India: Islamic Cleric sexually assault ‘small children’ in Madarsa

[Times of India] MUMBAI: A Maulana of small mosque in Sangam Nagar in Wadala who used to sexually assault small children who came to learn Arabic, was arrested by Wadala TT police on Saturday.

Representational Image..

Representational Image..

Abrarul Haque (29) and his assistant Irfan both have been booked under IPC sections of 354, 509 and sections 8 and 12 of protection of children from sexual assault. While police have arrested Haque from the mosque, police are looking for Irfan who is absconding said Suhash Garood, senior inspector of Wadala Truck Terminals police station.

Haque was arrested after a 14-year-old girl and her parents walked-in to a police station on Saturday and filed a complaint mentioning that he passed lewd remarks and tried to molest her.

Haque is a native of Banaras and had come to the city two and half years ago. As he was qualified in religious teaching, the trustees of the madrassa, which is a part of the Bilali masjid in Sangam Nagar in Wadala, had appointed him as the Imam. His basic duty was to lead the prayers and in the spare time teach Arabic.

Police said that several children— boys and girls from the nearby slums of Sangam Nagar used to come to learn Arabic.

“Apart from the complainant, people have now approached us claiming that he was a habitual offender as children had complained regarding his advances. He has been remanded to police custody and we are trying to find his associate,” said Garood. Members of the public have said that they will see that he is sacked from the preist’s post.



    4 thoughts on “India: Islamic Cleric sexually assault ‘small children’ in Madarsa



      You know how some people insult Muslims by calling them crude names that are the equivalents of sodomites and bestialists (butt- and goat-f**kers)? It turns out at least the sodomite insult is true! We have it straight from the mouth of none other than a Muslim cleric — a London-based Shiite cleric named Yasser Habib.


      by Abu Nuwas:

      O the joy of sodomy!
      So now be sodomites, you Arabs.
      Turn not away from it–
      therein is wondrous pleasure.
      Take some coy lad with kiss-curls
      twisting on his temple
      and ride as he stands like some gazelle
      standing to her mate.
      A lad whom all can see girt with sword
      and belt not like your whore who has
      to go veiled.
      Make for smooth-faced boys and do your
      very best to mount them, for women are
      the mounts of the devils


      Surah 8:69: “But (now) enjoy what ye took in war, lawful and good.” (Yusuf Ali)


      “It may, superficially, appear distasteful to copulate with a woman who is not a man’s legal wife, but once Shariah makes something lawful, we have to accept it as lawful, whether it appeals to our taste, or not; and whether we know its underlying wisdom or not.”


      Satan Attends Every Childbirth; He Touches Every Infant
      Except for Mary and her Son Jesus, all babies cry during their birth, because Satan touches them… (Sahih Bukhari, 4.55.641)
      Whenever a child is born, Satan pricks it; that is why the child cries. Only Mary and Jesus were not pricked by Satan…(Sahih Muslim, 30.5837, 5838)
      Say prayer during sexual intercourse, and Satan will not touch your child…(Sahih Bukhari, 4.54.503


      In a broadcast on the UK’s Fadak TV on May 24, 2012, Habib calmly and dispassionately asserts that all non-Shiite males — especially the Shiites’ Muslim rivals, the Sunnis — are sodomized at birth by the devil, and grow up to become “passive homosexuals”, i.e., the “bottom” of a homosexual pair who is penetrated in anal sex.


      Islamic cleric confirms Muslim men really are sodomites
      You know how some people insult Muslims by calling them crude names that are the equivalents of sodomites and bestialists (butt- and goat-f**kers)? It turns out at least the sodomite insult is true! We have it straight from the mouth of none other than a Muslim cleric — a London-based Shiite cleric named Yasser Habib.
      In a broadcast on the UK’s Fadak TV on May 24, 2012, Habib calmly and dispassionately asserts that all non-Shiite males — especially the Shiites’ Muslim rivals, the Sunnis — are sodomized at birth by the devil, and grow up to become “passive homosexuals”, i.e., the “bottom” of a homosexual pair who is penetrated in anal sex.


      “Anyone who consents to being called ‘Emir of the Believers’ is a passive homosexual. Omar Ibn Al-Khattab, for example, who willingly assumed this title, was, without a doubt, a passive homosexual. The same goes for the caliphs Othman Ibn Affan, Muawiyya, Yazid, and the rules and sultans of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties, as well as some of the rulers and sultans of our day and age.

      For example, the king of Morocco bears this title. This is how you know that he is a passive homosexual. This is in addition to the evidence revealed by Western media, which showed that the current king of Morocco is indeed a passive homosexual who belongs to the homosexual community. This was leaked from his palace by his assistants, his servants, and his ‘boys,’ whom he would penetrate and who would penetrate him. They fled to Europe, sought asylum, and exposed all this.

      Cleric Yasser Habib exposes Kalifa Umar as a Sodomite

      It is told (in the hadith) that Umar Ibn Al-Khattab had an anal disease, which could be cured only by semen. One should know that this is a well-known medical condition, which is also mentioned in sacred texts. Someone who, God forbid, has been penetrated in the anus, a worm grows within him, due to the semen discharged in him…
      A disease develops in his anus, and as a result, he cannot calm down, unless. he is penetrated again and again.

      The Shiites are undoubtedly protected from this disease, and from committing this abominable and hideous act. As for the Nasibis (who hated the prophet Muhammad’s family), they are definitely afflicted with this homosexuality.
      One of the devils is present at the birth of every human being. If Allah knows that the newborn is one of our Shiites, He fends off that devil, who cannot harm the newborn. But if the newborn is not one of our Shiites, the devil inserts his index finger into the anus of the newborn, who thus becomes a passive homosexual. If the newborn is not a Shiite, the devil inserts his index finger into this newborn’s anus, and when he grows up, he becomes a passive homosexual.

      If the newborn is a female, the devil inserts his index finger into her vagina, and she becomes a whore. At that moment, the newborn cries loudly, as he comes out of his mother’s womb. Note that some children cry normally at birth, while others cry loudly and incessantly. You should know that this is the work of that devil, according to this narration.”

      Islam is NOT a religion, but an insane political system and sex cult populated by the severely mentally impaired.”

      When cleric Yasser Habib “says ‘passive homosexual’, he is referring to the receptive, submissive, female-equivalent partner. Dominant, inserting male homosexual activity is universally accepted in Islam. He has no problem with that. It’s grown men ‘catching’ that he has a problem with.”



      Zoophilia, from the Greek Ζωον (zôon, “animal”) and φιλία (philia, “friendship” or “love”), is a paraphilia, defined as an affinity or sexual attraction by a human to a non-human animal. Such individuals are called zoophiles. The more recent terms zoosexual and zoosexuality describe the full spectrum of human/animal orientation. A separate term, bestiality (more common in mainstream usage and frequently but incorrectly seen as a synonym; often misspelled as “beastiality”), refers to human/animal sexual activity. To avoid confusion about the meaning of zoophilia — which may refer to the affinity/attraction, paraphilia, or sexual activity — this article uses zoophilia for the former, and zoosexual activity for the sexual act. The two terms are independent: not all sexual acts with animals are performed by zoophiles; and not all zoophiles are sexually interested in animals.
      Pakistan has banned content on more than a dozen websites because of “offensive” and “blasphemous” material, while they themselves rank No. 1 for certain sex-related search terms, including “child sex,” “rape sex,” “animal sex,” “camel sex,” “donkey sex,” “dog sex,” and “horse sex”.[1]



      In a society where homosexuals and adulterers are stoned to death for “sexual immorality” you would expect a similar outcome for someone caught having sex with an animal. Surprisingly this is not the case.
      An Afghan soldier was detained by police after being caught having sex with a donkey in southeastern Afghanistan, a police officer told AFP.
      The soldier was discovered with the donkey in an abandoned house in a small village of Gardez, the capital of Paktia province, last week, a local police officer said.
      “He was caught in the act by a small boy who immediately told police about what he had seen and police arrested him in action,” the Gardez-based officer told AFP, requesting anonymity.
      The soldier claimed he committed the act because he did not have enough money to get married.
      After being caught with the donkey in a village about 100km south of the capital Kabul, he was jailed for four days and then released without charge.
      According to tradition in south and southeastern Afghanistan, a suitor must pay around $US5,000 ($A6,800) to the parents of the girl he wishes to marry.
      Soldier caught with his pants down
      The Age, March 16, 2004
      Could it be that the soldier was released without charge because there is nothing in the Qur’an that prohibits bestiality?


      In 1923, the Director of Health in the British Mandate government in Palestine sent out a questionnaire to his Principal Medical and Health Officers in the country, asking them to report on various sexual practices and attitudes among the Muslim Arab population.
      As a result, the British discovered that the Muslim Arabs engaged in bestiality.
      The Nablus officer finds sodomy and “similar vices” “not uncommon in some of the towns but less so in the villages where…bestiality is by no mean unknown” and “immorality…rather lightly regarded” in those villages that are closer to the larger towns. He comments, “in the villages there seems to be curiously little feeling against bestiality which I have heard admitted in a very airy way on more than one occasion. Sodomy is considered disgraceful but not I think more so than ordinary immorality” (III).
      “Unnatural Vices” or Unnatural Rule? The Case of a Sex Questionnaire and the British Mandate
      Ellen L. Fleischmann, Jerusalem Quarterly File, Issue 10, 2000


      In Southern Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Balochistan, sex with animals is a common practice among rural youths and considered a rite of passage into adulthood.
      In southern Punjab, much of NWFP, Sindh and Balochistan sodomy and bestiality are common among rural youths. In fact, he caught two boys trying to rape a goat in the vicinity of the mazar of Hazrat Sultan Bahu. The punishment meted out to them was 10 blows with a chhittar (shoe) each on their butts. They protested however that in many rural areas having sex with an animal was considered a rite of passage on the way to becoming full members of the male society!
      Desegregation of the sexes and promiscuity
      Ishtiaq Ahmed (associate professor of political science at Stockholm University), Daily Times, June 27, 2006


      In June 2011, a male who was caught having sex with another man’s donkey was fined Rs 50,000. This fine was not imposed for having sex with an animal, but for committing adultery. The raped donkey was labelled a ‘kari’ (an adultress) and eventually honor killed by its owner.

      Incredible though it may sound, a donkey was declared ‘Kari’ and shot dead here in a remote area on Monday. The Jirga imposed 110,000 rupees fine on the alleged ‘Karo’.
      The reports said that in Village Ghahi Khan Jatoi, a villager Ghazi Khan alias Malang shot dead his donkey on being ‘Kari’ with Sikandar Ali alias Deedo. He attempted to kill Sikander too but the alleged Karo managed to escape and surrendered himself to an influential person of the area.
      Sources said the influential person summoned both the parties and imposed 110,000 rupees fine on the Karo. They said Sikander and his family were forced to pay Rs 50,000 on the spot and the remaining amount in two installments.
      The sources added that the alleged Karo pleaded innocence at the Jirga, but the Jirga members paid no attention to it. Sikander’s family said he paid Rs 50,000 to save his life otherwise he would have been killed.
      Donkey declared ‘Kari’ killed
      The News International, July 19, 2011
      Pakistan ranks number 1 for such varied search terms as “child sex,” “rape sex,” “animal sex,” “camel sex,” “donkey sex,” “dog sex,” and “horse sex”.
      The Muslim country, which has banned content on at least 17 websites to block offensive and blasphemous material, is the world’s leader in online searches for pornographic material
      . . .
      Google ranks Pakistan No. 1 in the world in searches for pornographic terms, outranking every other country in the world in searches per person for certain sex-related content.
      Pakistan is top dog in searches per-person for “horse sex” since 2004, “donkey sex” since 2007, “rape pictures” between 2004 and 2009, “rape sex” since 2004, “child sex” between 2004 and 2007 and since 2009, “animal sex” since 2004 and “dog sex” since 2005, according to Google Trends and Google Insights, features of Google that generate data based on popular search terms.
      The country also is tops — or has been No. 1 — in searches for “sex,” “camel sex,” “rape video,” “child sex video” and some other searches that can’t be printed here.
      No. 1 Nation in Sexy Web Searches? Call it Pornistan
      Kelli Morgan, Fox News, July 13, 2010


      Pakistani Muslims are not alone in their search for porn.
      Google, the world’s most popular Internet search engine, has found in a survey that mostly Muslim states seek access to sex-related websites and Pakistan tops the list. Google found that of the top 10 countries – searching for sex-related sites – six were Muslim, with Pakistan on the top. The other Muslim countries are Egypt at number 2, Iran at 4, Morocco at 5, Saudi Arabia at 7 and Turkey at 8. Non-Muslim states are Vietnam at 3, India at 6, Philippines at 9 and Poland at 10.
      Pakistan most sex-starved
      Khalid Hasan, Daily Times, May 17, 2006
      Here are the Muslim countries and how they placed in the top five world ranking of various bestiality-related internet search terms:[8]
      Pig Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Egypt (No. 2) Saudi Arabia (No. 3)
      Donkey Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Iran (No. 3) Saudi Arabia (No. 4)
      Dog Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Saudi Arabia (No. 3)
      Cat Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Iran (No. 2) Egypt (No. 3) Saudi Arabia (No. 4)
      Horse Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Turkey (No. 3)
      Cow Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Iran (No. 2) Saudi Arabia (No. 4)
      Goat Sex: Pakistan (No. 1)
      Animal Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Morocco (No. 2) Iran (No. 4) Egypt (No. 5)
      Snake Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Malaysia (No. 3) Indonesia (No. 4) Egypt (No. 5)
      Monkey Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Indonesia (No. 3) Malaysia (No. 4)
      Bear Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Saudi Arabia (No. 2)
      Elephant Sex: Pakistan (No. 1) Egypt (No. 3) United Arab Emirates (No. 4) Malaysia (No. 5)
      Fox Sex: Saudi Arabia (No. 1) Turkey (No. 4)


      Bestiality is common among boys of tribal Arab cultures.
      Miner and DeVos (1960) comment that amongst Arab tribal cultures, “Bestiality with goats, sheep, or camels provides another outlet. These practices are not approved but they are recognized as common among boys.” Havelock-Ellis [note 52] states “The Arabs, according to Kocher, chiefly practice bestiality with goats, sheep and mares. The Annamites, according to Mondiere, commonly employ sows and (more especially the young women) dogs.”
      Historical And Cultural Perspectives On Zoophilia
      Serving History
      There is also a certain saying which remains popular among the Arabs:
      The Arabs have never taken quite so condemnatory an attitude towards the practice, and indeed a popular Arab saying had it that

      “The pilgrimage to Mecca is not complete without copulating with the camel.”[9]


      In February 2006, a man caught having sex with a neighbor’s goat was not punished, but ordered by the council of elders to pay the neighbor a dowry of 15,000 Sudanese dinars ($50) and marry the animal because he “used it as his wife”.
      A Sudanese man has been forced to take a goat as his “wife”, after he was caught having sex with the animal.
      The goat’s owner, Mr Alifi, said he surprised the man with his goat and took him to a council of elders.
      They ordered the man, Mr Tombe, to pay a dowry of 15,000 Sudanese dinars ($50) to Mr Alifi.
      “We have given him the goat, and as far as we know they are still together,” Mr Alifi said.
      Sudan man forced to ‘marry’ goat
      BBC News, February 24,2006


      Morocco is an Islamic country, with 98.7% of the population Muslims.[10] The following is taken from a paper on sexuality in Morocco written by Nadia Kadiri, M.D., and Abderrazak Moussaïd, M.D., with Abdelkrim Tirraf, M.D., and Abdallah Jadid, M.D. Translated by Raymond J. Noonan, Ph.D., and Sandra Almeida.[11]
      In the rural world, zoophilia is still very widespread and not blameworthy. With masturbation, it constitutes an obligatory passage in the adolescent male’s apprenticeship of sexuality.
      The operative phrase is ‘obligatory passage in the adolescent male’s apprenticeship of sexuality’. Obligatory. It means in rural Morocco, Muslim males must have sexual intercourse with animals as part of their sexual apprenticeship.
      Also according to the scholars Allen Edwardes and Robert Masters, Ph.D, FAACS, the Muslims of Morocco believe that sexual intercourse with donkeys “make the penis grow big and strong” and masturbation is often scorned by them in favor of bestiality.[12]


      The above paper also says “it is prohibited without question by the Shariâ”. But is this alleged prohibition within the Shari’ah extracted (as it must be) from the Qur’an and Hadith, or has this fiqh been derived using external non-Islamic sources?


      In contrast with what secular and non-Islamic religious sources say about bestiality, this is what the Qur’an has to say on the subject:
      That’s right – absolutely, positively nothing. Unlike the Qur’an’s clear-cut rulings on the morality of homosexuality, Polygamy, rape, and pedophilia, the permissibility of bestiality seems to have been left open to ‘interpretation.’
      If Islamic teachings were truly opposed to such a practice, then this omission is somewhat surprising when you consider that, historically, bestiality was indigenously accepted in the Middle-East.[13]


      There is no prohibition against bestiality to be found within the two Sahihs. The following hadith is taken from the Sunnah Abu-Dawud collection, not Bukari or Muslim.
      Narrated Abdullah ibn Abbas: The Prophet (peace be upon him) said: If anyone has sexual intercourse with an animal, kill him and kill it along with him. I (Ikrimah) said: I asked him (Ibn Abbas): What offence can be attributed to the animal/ He replied: I think he (the Prophet) disapproved of its flesh being eaten when such a thing had been done to it.
      Abu Dawud 38:4449
      Sounds too good to be true, doesn’t it? And it is. Just look at the very next hadith.
      Narrated Abdullah ibn Abbas: There is no prescribed punishment for one who has sexual intercourse with an animal.
      Abu Dawud 38:4450
      This is a very clear contradiction. How can one hadith say kill the person committing bestiality, and the very next one say there is no prescribed punishment for the same person? Both statements cannot be true.
      What’s worse; these two contradictory hadiths (transmitted through different isnad) have been attributed to the same person. Abu Dawud himself had said the former of the two hadith is “not strong” and the latter further “weakens” it.[14]
      From the above, we can gather that Robert Masters had correctly stated, “bestiality was not specifically prohibited by the Prophet,”[9] so there is little wonder that Islamists generally shy away from mentioning Abu Dawud 38:4449 in their pronouncements on bestiality.


      As we have previously mentioned, there is no prohibition against bestiality to be found within the two Sahihs (Authentic). However there does exist a certain hadith and commentary by the renowned Islamic scholar al-Nawawi, which is of interest.
      The following narration does not exist in the English translations of Sahih Muslim, but a similar (but sanitized version) appears in: Sahih Muslim 3:684
      و حدثني ‏ ‏زهير بن حرب ‏ ‏وأبو غسان المسمعي ‏ ‏ح ‏ ‏و حدثناه ‏ ‏محمد بن المثنى ‏ ‏وابن بشار ‏ ‏قالوا حدثنا ‏ ‏معاذ بن هشام ‏ ‏قال حدثني ‏ ‏أبي ‏ ‏عن ‏ ‏قتادة ‏ ‏ومطر ‏ ‏عن ‏ ‏الحسن ‏ ‏عن ‏ ‏أبي رافع ‏ ‏عن ‏ ‏أبي هريرة ‏ ‏أن نبي الله ‏ ‏صلى الله عليه وسلم ‏ ‏قال ‏ ‏إذا جلس بين ‏ ‏شعبها ‏ ‏الأربع ثم جهدها فقد وجب عليه الغسل ‏
      ‏وفي حديث ‏ ‏مطر ‏ ‏وإن لم ينزل ‏ ‏قال ‏ ‏زهير ‏ ‏من بينهم بين ‏ ‏أشعبها ‏ ‏الأربع ‏ ‏حدثنا ‏ ‏محمد بن عمرو بن عباد بن جبلة ‏ ‏حدثنا ‏ ‏محمد بن أبي عدي ‏ ‏ح ‏ ‏و حدثنا ‏ ‏محمد بن المثنى ‏ ‏حدثني ‏ ‏وهب بن جرير ‏ ‏كلاهما ‏ ‏عن ‏ ‏شعبة ‏ ‏عن ‏ ‏قتادة ‏ ‏بهذا الإسناد ‏ ‏مثله غير أن في حديث ‏ ‏شعبة ‏ ‏ثم اجتهد ولم يقل وإن لم ينزل ‏
      Narrated by Zuhair Ibn Harb, narrated by Ghasan Al-Masma’i, narrated by Muhammad Ibn Al-Mathny, narrated by Ibn Bashar, who said that it was narrated by Muath Ibn Hisham, narrated by Abu Qatada, narrated by Mattar, narrated by Al-Hassan, narrated by Abu Rab’i, narrated by Abu Huraira who said:
      “The prophet — peace be upon him — said, ‘If one sits between a woman’s four parts (shu’biha Al-arba’) and then fatigues her, then it necessitates that he wash.’
      In the hadith of Mattar it is added ‘even if he does not ejaculate (yunzil).’ Zuhair narrated among them using the phrase ‘Ashba’iha Al-arba’. It was also narrated by Muhammad Ibn Umar Ibn Ibad Ibn Jablah, narrated Muhammad Ibn Abi Uday, narrated by Muhammad Ibn Al-Mathny, narrated by Wahb Ibn Jarir who both related from Shu’bah who narrated from Qatada who gave this same chain of transmission, except that in the hadith of Shu’bah it has the phrase ‘then he labored’ but did not have the phrase ‘even if he does not ejaculate.’
      Sahih Muslim – Book of Menstruation – hadith #525

      IMAM AL-NAWAWI (1234 — 1278 AD)

      Below is a short bio of al-Nawawi, whose commentary of Sahih Muslim is second only to Ibn Hajar’s commentary of Sahih Bukhari.[15]
      Imam Yahya ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi was born in the village of Nawa in Southern Syria, Nawawi spent most of his life in Damascus where he lived in a simple manner, devoted to Allah, engaging single-mindedly in worship, study, writing and teaching various Islamic sciences. The life of this world seems scarcely to have impinged upon him. He was a versatile and extremely dedicated scholar whose breadth of learning was matched by its depth.
      Imam Nawawi died at the young age of 44 years, leaving behind him numerous works of great importance, the most famous of these being:
      • al-Arba’un Nabawi (An-Nawawis Forty Hadith)
      • Riyadhus saleheen
      • al-Maqasid (Al-Nawawi’s Manual of Islam).
      • Kitab al-Adhkar,
      • Minhaj al-Talibin (a main reference for Shafi’i fiqh)
      • Shar’ Sahih Muslim (he was the first to arrange the sahih of Muslim in the now familiar categories)
      Although best known for his works in hadith, Yahya ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi (d. 676/1277) was also the Imam of the later Shafi’i school of Jurisprudence, and widely acknowledged as the intellectual heir to Imam Shafi’i. He was a renowned scholar and jurist who dedicated his life to the pursuit of Islamic learning.
      About Imam al-Nawawi

      صحيح مسلم بشرح النووي ‏ ‏قَوْله : ( أَبُو غَسَّان الْمِسْمَعِيّ ) ‏ ‏هُوَ بِفَتْحِ الْغَيْن الْمُعْجَمَة وَتَشْدِيد السِّين الْمُهْمَلَة , وَيَجُوز صَرْفه وَتَرْكُ صَرْفه . وَالْمِسْمَعِيّ بِكَسْرِ الْمِيم الْأُولَى وَفَتْح الثَّانِي , وَاسْمه مَالِك بْن عَبْد الْوَاحِد , وَقَدْ تَقَدَّمَ بَيَانه مَرَّات , لَكِنِّي أُنَبِّه عَلَيْهِ وَعَلَى مِثْله لِطُولِ الْعَهْد بِهِ , كَمَا شَرَطْتهُ فِي الْخُطْبَة . ‏
      ‏قَوْله : ( أَبُو رَافِع عَنْ أَبِي هُرَيْرَة ) ‏ ‏اِسْم أَبِي رَافِع : ( نُفَيْع ) وَقَدْ تَقَدَّمَ أَيْضًا . ‏ ‏قَوْله صَلَّى اللَّه عَلَيْهِ وَسَلَّمَ : ( إِذَا قَعَدَ بَيْن شُعَبهَا الْأَرْبَع ثُمَّ جَهَدهَا ) ‏ ‏وَفِي رِوَايَة ( أَشْعُبهَا ) اِخْتَلَفَ الْعُلَمَاء فِي الْمُرَاد بِالشُّعَبِ الْأَرْبَع , فَقِيلَ : هِيَ الْيَدَانِ وَالرِّجْلَانِ , وَقِيلَ : الرِّجْلَانِ وَالْفَخِذَانِ , وَقِيلَ : الرِّجْلَانِ وَالشَّفْرَانِ , وَاخْتَارَ الْقَاضِي عِيَاض أَنَّ الْمُرَاد شُعَب الْفَرْج الْأَرْبَع , وَالشُّعَب النَّوَاحِي وَاحِدَتهَا شُعْبَة , وَأَمَّا مَنْ قَالَ : ( أَشْعُبِهَا ) , فَهُوَ جَمْع شُعَب . وَمَعْنَى ( جَهَدَهَا ) حَفَرَهَا كَذَا قَالَهُ الْخَطَّابِيُّ وَقَالَ غَيْره : بَلَغَ مَشَقَّتهَا , يُقَال : جَهِدْته وَأَجْهَدْته بَلَغْت مَشَقَّته , قَالَ الْقَاضِي عِيَاض رَحِمَهُ اللَّه تَعَالَى : الْأَوْلَى أَنْ يَكُون جَهَدَهَا بِمَعْنَى بَلَغَ جَهْده فِي الْعَمَل فِيهَا , وَالْجَهْد الطَّاقَة , وَهُوَ إِشَارَة إِلَى الْحَرَكَة وَتَمَكُّن صُورَة الْعَمَل , وَهُوَ نَحْو قَوْله مِنْ حَفَرَهَا أَيْ كَدّهَا بِحَرَكَتِهِ . وَإِلَّا فَأَيّ مَشَقَّة بَلَغَ بِهَا فِي ذَلِكَ . وَاللَّهُ أَعْلَم . وَمَعْنَى الْحَدِيث أَنَّ إِيجَاب الْغُسْل لَا يَتَوَقَّف عَلَى نُزُول الْمَنِيّ بَلْ مَتَى غَابَتْ الْحَشَفَة فِي الْفَرْج وَجَبَ الْغُسْل عَلَى الرَّجُل وَالْمَرْأَة , وَهَذَا لَا خِلَاف فِيهِ الْيَوْم , وَقَدْ كَانَ فِيهِ خِلَاف لِبَعْضِ الصَّحَابَة وَمَنْ بَعْدهمْ , ثُمَّ اِنْعَقَدَ الْإِجْمَاع عَلَى مَا ذَكَرْنَاهُ , وَقَدْ تَقَدَّمَ بَيَان هَذَا . قَالَ أَصْحَابنَا : وَلَوْ غَيَّبَ الْحَشَفَة فِي دُبُر اِمْرَأَة , أَوْ دُبُر رَجُل , أَوْ فَرْج بَهِيمَة , أَوْ دُبُرهَا , وَجَبَ الْغُسْل سَوَاء كَانَ الْمَوْلَج فِيهِ حَيًّا أَوْ مَيِّتًا , صَغِيرًا أَوْ كَبِيرًا , وَسَوَاء كَانَ ذَلِكَ عَنْ قَصْد أَمْ عَنْ نِسْيَان , وَسَوَاء كَانَ مُخْتَارًا أَوْ مُكْرَهًا , أَوْ اسْتَدْخَلَت الْمَرْأَة ذَكَرَهُ وَهُوَ نَائِم , وَسَوَاء اِنْتَشَرَ الذَّكَر أَمْ لَا , وَسَوَاء كَانَ مَخْتُونًا أَمْ أَغْلَف , فَيَجِب الْغُسْل فِي كُلّ هَذِهِ الصُّوَر عَلَى الْفَاعِل وَالْمَفْعُول بِهِ إِلَّا إِذَا كَانَ الْفَاعِل أَوْ الْمَفْعُول بِهِ صَبِيًّا أَوْ صَبِيَّة فَإِنَّهُ لَا يُقَال وَجَبَ عَلَيْهِ لِأَنَّهُ لَيْسَ مُكَلَّفًا , وَلَكِنْ يُقَال صَارَ جُنُبًا فَإِنْ كَانَ مُمَيِّزًا وَجَبَ عَلَى الْوَلِيّ أَنْ يَأْمُرهُ بِالْغُسْلِ كَمَا يَأْمُرهُ بِالْوُضُوءِ , فَإِنْ صَلَّى مِنْ غَيْر غُسْلٍ لَمْ تَصِحّ صَلَاته , وَإِنْ لَمْ يَغْتَسِل حَتَّى بَلَغَ وَجَبَ عَلَيْهِ الْغُسْل , وَإِنْ اِغْتَسَلَ فِي الصِّبَى ثُمَّ بَلَغَ لَمْ يَلْزَمهُ إِعَادَة الْغُسْل . قَالَ أَصْحَابنَا : وَالِاعْتِبَار فِي الْجِمَاع بِتَغْيِيبِ الْحَشَفَة مِنْ صَحِيح الذَّكَر بِالِاتِّفَاقِ , فَإِذَا غَيَّبَهَا بِكَمَالِهَا تَعَلَّقَتْ بِهِ جَمِيع الْأَحْكَام , وَلَا يُشْتَرَط تَغْيِيب جَمِيع الذَّكَر بِالِاتِّفَاقِ . وَلَوْ غَيَّبَ بَعْض الْحَشَفَة لَا يَتَعَلَّق بِهِ شَيْء مِنْ الْأَحْكَام بِالِاتِّفَاقِ إِلَّا وَجْهًا شَاذًّا ذَكَرَهُ بَعْض أَصْحَابنَا أَنَّ حُكْمه حُكْم جَمِيعهَا , وَهَذَا الْوَجْه غَلَط مُنْكَر مَتْرُوك , وَأَمَّا إِذَا كَانَ الذَّكَر مَقْطُوعًا فَإِنْ بَقِيَ مِنْهُ دُون الْحَشَفَة لَمْ يَتَعَلَّق بِهِ شَيْء مِنْ الْأَحْكَام , وَإِنْ كَانَ الْبَاقِي قَدْر الْحَشَفَة فَحَسْب تَعَلَّقَتْ الْأَحْكَام بِتَغْيِيبِهِ بِكَمَالِهِ , وَإِنْ كَانَ زَائِدًا عَلَى قَدْر الْحَشَفَة فَفِيهِ وَجْهَانِ مَشْهُورَانِ لِأَصْحَابِنَا أَصَحّهمَا أَنَّ الْأَحْكَام تَتَعَلَّق بِقَدْرِ الْحَشَفَة مِنْهُ , وَالثَّانِي لَا يَتَعَلَّق شَيْء مِنْ الْأَحْكَام إِلَّا بِتَغْيِيبِ جَمِيع الْبَاقِي . وَاللَّهُ أَعْلَم . ‏ ‏وَلَوْ لَفَّ عَلَى ذَكَرِهِ خِرْقَة وَأَوْلَجَهُ فِي فَرْج اِمْرَأَة فَفِيهِ ثَلَاثَة أَوْجُه لِأَصْحَابِنَا مِنْهَا وَالْمَشْهُور أَنَّهُ يَجِب عَلَيْهِمَا الْغُسْل , وَالثَّانِي لَا يَجِب لِأَنَّهُ أَوْلَجَ فِي خِرْقَة , وَالثَّالِث إِنْ كَانَتْ الْخِرْقَة غَلِيظَة تَمْنَع وُصُول اللَّذَّة وَالرُّطُوبَة لَمْ يَجِب الْغُسْل . وَإِلَّا وَجَبَ . وَاللَّهُ أَعْلَم . ‏ ‏وَلَوْ اسْتَدْخَلَت الْمَرْأَة ذَكَرَ بَهِيمَة وَجَبَ عَلَيْهَا الْغُسْل , وَلَوْ اسْتَدْخَلَت ذَكَرًا مَقْطُوعًا فَوَجْهَانِ أَصَحّهمَا يَجِب عَلَيْهَا الْغُسْل
      Commentary of Imam Al-Nawawi on the Hadith
      The saying of the prophet — peace be upon him- ‘When he sits between her fours parts) mostly its a home animal (shu’biha Al-arba) and has intercourse with her then fatigues her’

      In another narration the word ‘Ashu’biha’ is used. The scholars have disagreed about the intended meaning of ‘shu’biha Al-arba’ (the fours) for some said that it means the arms and the legs, while others have said that it refers to the legs and thighs, and other said it means the legs and the edge of the pubic area. Al-Qadi Ayad chose the meaning of the four areas surrounding the vagina. The word (Shu’b) means areas, its singular form being (Shu’bah). As for those who say (Ashba’iha) that is the plural of the word (Shu’b).
      The word Aj-hada-ha (fatigue her) means to plow her, which was also stated by Al-Khatabi. Others have said it means to make her reach exhaustion as in the phrase ‘she made him toil and labor till he was exhausted’. Al-Qadi Ayad — may Allah rest his soul- said ‘Primarily, the word (Jahada’ha) means that the man exerted his effort working in a woman, where the word (Juh’d) means energy and refers to motion by describing the type of work. This is similar to his (the prophet) saying ‘he who plowed her’ meaning he who penetrated her by his motion. Otherwise, what other fatigue could a man experience because of her, and Allah knows best.

      The meaning of the hadith is that the necessity to wash is not limited to when semen is ejaculated, rather it is when the penile head (Hash-fa, lit. “the head of the male member,” i.e. head of the penis) penetrates the vagina, then it is necessary for the man and the woman to wash. There is no disagreement on this today, even though there was disagreement on this by some of the early companions and others later. However, an agreement was later reached and this is what we have shown and presented previously.
      Our companions have said that if the penile head has penetrated a woman’s anus, or a man’s anus, or an animal’s vagina or its anus then it is necessary to wash whether the one being penetrated is alive or dead, young or old, whether it was done intentionally or absentmindedly, whether it was done willfully or forcefully.

      This also applies if the woman places the male member inside her while the man is asleep, whether the penis is erect or not, whether the penis is circumcised or uncircumcised. All these situations require that the person committing the act and the one the act is committed on must wash themselves, unless the person committing the act or the person the act is committed on is a young male or female. In that case it cannot be said that the person must wash, for they do not have the responsibility, rather it is said that this person is in a state of impurity. If that person can discern (the sexual act) then his guardian can command him to wash just as he commands him to perform the ablution washing for prayers. For if he prays without washing, his prayer has not been performed correctly; likewise if he doesn’t wash after he reaches puberty he must be forced to wash. If he washed as a youth and then reaches puberty, then he does not have to repeat the washing.

      Our companions have said that intercourse occurs when a healthy male’s penile head completely penetrates (an orifice), as has been unanimously agreed. Thus, when the penile head has completely disappeared (inside the orifice), then all the regulations concerning washing apply. It is unanimously agreed that it is not necessary that the entire penile shaft penetrate to apply the regulations of washing. If part of the penile head penetrates, then the regulations of washing are not imposed as is agreed, except by an odd few of our companions who said that even in this case all the regulations of washing apply. However, this opinion is wrong, rejected and abandoned. If the male member was severed and what remained was less than the length of the penile head, then none of the washing regulations apply. If the part remaining was equal in length to the penile head length then that part must completely penetrate for the regulation of washing to apply. If the part remaining was greater in length to the penile head length then there are two famous opinions for our companions. The most correct is that if the portion that penetrates is equal to the length of the penile head, then the regulations for washing apply. The other opinion is that none of the regulations for washing apply until the entire remaining length of the penile shaft completely penetrates and Allah knows best.
      If a man wraps a sheath around his male member and then ejaculates inside a woman’s vagina, then there are three opinions from our companions. The most famous is that the man must wash. The second is that he does not have to wash because he ejaculated inside the sheath. The third is that if the sheath is thick and prevents climax and wetness (in the vagina) then washing is not necessary, otherwise it is necessary and Allah knows best.
      If a woman inserts (in her vagina) an animal’s penis she must wash, and if she inserts a detached penis (thakaran maktu-an, lit. “a severed male member”) there are two opinions; the most correct is that she must wash.

      Sahih Muslim – Book of Menstruation – hadith #525 – Commentary


      Some Sunni Islamic scholars have ruled that bestiality does not invalidate the hajj or ones fast.
      ولو وطئ بهيمة لا يفسد حجه

      “If he had sexual intercourse with an animal, that will not make his hajj void”
      Abu Bakar al-Kashani (d. 587 H), Badaye al-Sanae, Vol. 2, p. 216
      “Sex with animals, dead people and masturbation, does not invalidate one’s fast provided ejaculation does not occur”
      Allamah Hassan bin Mansoor Qadhi Khan, Fatawa Qadhi Khan, Page 820
      Others have said it is halal.
      لقد كانت نكاح الحيوانات قبل البعثه منتشره وتروى كثير من الروايات انها حلال لكنها مكروه والاحوط وجوبا ترك هذه العاده التي تسبب الأذى النفسي ويجب عليك الاعتراف لصاحب الاغنام ودفع قيمتها لمالكها

      Sex with animals before the mission (Islam) was wide spread and many narrations are narrated that it is halal but makrooh (disliked). And on the compulsory precaution one should abandon this practice that may cause self harm. And you must admit this to the owner of the sheep and pay the owner.
      Sex with animals Fatwa
      al-Uzma Seyyid Ali al-Sistani


      From all of the above, we can certainly see that, unlike the West, Islamic societies do not universally harbor negative attitudes towards bestiality. Many Muslims seek out gratification or are indifferent to this perversion, and in some cases it is even openly promoted and made obligatory.
      This is all in stark contrast with their attitudes towards homosexuality and their allowance of pedophilia. Therefore to claim that the West without the guidance of Islam has allowed bestiality is not only false, but hypocritical when you consider that this perversion, alongside pedophilia, is left largely unhindered by the Islamic clerisy in their societies and runs rampant among followers of Islam.
      Aside from their own embarrassment, we can also see that there is little basis for any Shari’ah prohibition of bestiality/zoophilia as the Qur’an and the Sahih Hadiths (Bukhari and Muslim) do not prohibit this unnatural practice, furthermore the references we have examined outside of the two Sahihs are considered weak.


      1. ↑ Kelli Morgan – No. 1 Nation in Sexy Web Searches? Call it Pornistan – Fox News, July 13, 2010
      2. ↑ Online Etymology Dictionary, © 2010 Douglas Harper
      3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Bestiality –
      4. ↑ Collins English Dictionary – Complete & Unabridged 10th Edition 2009
      5. ↑ Merriam-Webster’s Medical Dictionary, © 2007 Merriam-Webster, Inc.
      6. ↑ Merriam-Webster’s Dictionary of Law, © 1996 Merriam-Webster, Inc.
      7. ↑ Rebecca F. Wisch – Overview of State Bestiality Laws – Animal Legal & Historical Center, 2008 (updated 2010)
      8. ↑ Watcher – Pakistan: Muslims Are Sex-Starved Surfers, With Bestial Interests – Eye On The World, May 18, 2006
      9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 Robert E.L. Masters – Forbidden Sexual Behavior and Morality – The Julian Press, 1st edition 1966,
      10. ↑ Africa :: Morocco – The online Factbook
      11. ↑ Read the full text here.
      12. ↑ Allen Edwardes and R.E.L. Masters – Cradle of Erotica (pp. 223-224) – Bantam Paperback; New Ed edition (1977), ISBN 0553103016
      13. ↑ Judith Worell – Encyclopedia of women and gender: Volume 1 (p. 298) – Academic Press; 1 edition, September 27, 2001, ISBN 9780122272455
      14. ↑ Dr. Ahmad Shafaat – Ahadith About Rajm – Islamic Perspectives, March 6, 2005
      15. ↑ ON TASAWWUF Imam Nawawi (d. 676) –




      A marriage is engaged in by 2 consenting adults.
      Do you really believe a 6 year old child would desire to marry a 51 year old man?
      Do you think that is what she would choose?
      Do you think a 9 year old girl would desire to have sex with a 54 year old?

      The thought of an old man becoming aroused by a child is one of the most disturbing thoughts that makes us cringe as it reminds us of pedophilia and the most despicable people. It is difficult to accept that the “Holy Prophet” of Mecca married Aisha when she was 6-years-old and WANKED BETWEEN HER THIGHS FOR 3 YEARS and consummated/RAPED her when she was 9. He was then, 54 years old.


      Now let us see how thighing is practiced on a female child & who began this evil practice. According to an official Fatwa issued in Saudi Arabia, the prophet Muhammad began to practice thighing his child-bride, Aisha when she was 6 years old until she reached 9 years of age (Fatwa No. 31409). The hadith mentioned the prophet Muhammad started performing literal sex with Aisha ONLY when she reached the age of 9 (Sahih al-Bukhari, book 62, hadith No. 89).

      Muslim scholars collectively agree, a child becomes an adult, available for sexual intercourse as soon as she reaches the age of nine. Likewise, the Shari’a allows any of the faithful to marry a six-year-old child.

      According to the fatwa, the prophet Muhammad could not have sex with his fiancée, Aisha when she was six due to her small size & age. However, the fatwa said that at age six, he would put his penis between her thighs and massage it gently because he did not want to harm her.

      Imagine a man of 51 removing the clothes of a 6-year-old girl and slipping his erect penis between her thighs, rubbing her until he ejaculated and his semen ran down her thighs. To this day, this is considered a benevolent act on the part of the adult male “not wanting to harm her.” What harm could be inflicted upon a young girl mentally and emotionally if not a grown man showing her his penis and stripping her of her clothes and rubbing his male organ between her legs?

      Of course the twisted mind that does such an evil to a female child, would not hesitate to ejaculate on her body. And if this sexually perverted evil frame of mind committed such an act upon a child, the pedophile would not stop at ejaculating on her. His evil desire would go further and rape the child before she was a mature adult. This is exactly what Muhammad did to Aisha when she was yet a child of 9.

      Before she reached puberty, he began to have sex with her. Let us see what the fatwa said about the prophet of Islam and his child-bride, Aisha.”Praise be to Allah and peace be upon the one after whom there is no [further] prophet. After the permanent committee for the scientific research and fatwas (religious decrees) reviewed the question presented to the grand Mufti Abu Abdullah Muhammad Al-Shamari, with reference number 1809 issued on 3/8/1421(Islamic calendar).

      The inquirer asked the following: ‘It has become wide spread these days, and especially during weddings, the habit of mufakhathat of the children (mufakhathat literally translated means “placing between the thighs of children” which means placing the male erected penis between the thighs of a child). What is the opinion of scholars knowing full well that the prophet, the peace and prayers of Allah be upon him, also practiced the “thighing” of Aisha – the mother of believers ?’

      After the committee studied the issue, they gave the following reply: ‘It has not been the practice of the Muslims throughout the centuries to resort to this unlawful practice that has come to our countries from pornographic movies that the kofar (infidels) and enemies of Islam send. As for the Prophet, peace and prayers of Allah be upon him, thighing his fiancée Aisha. She was six years of age and he could not have intercourse with her due to her small age.

      That is why the prophet peace and prayers of Allah be upon him placed his penis between her thighs and massaged it lightly, as the apostle of Allah had control of his penis not like other believers'” (Fatwa No. 31409).

      Thighing of children is practiced in many Arab and Muslim countries, notably in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iran, and the Gulf countries. Also evil practices like altamatu’a bil almuka’aba (pleasure from sexual contact with her breasts), altamatu’a bil alsagirah (pleasure from sexual contact with a baby girl), altamatu’a bil alradi’ah, (pleasure from sexual contact with a suckling female infant), (Reported by Baharini Women’s Rights Activist, Ghada Jamshir)


      From the Hadith of Bukhari:

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 229:

      Narrated ‘Aisha:

      I used to wash the traces of Janaba (semen) from the clothes of the Prophet and he used to go for prayers while traces of water were still on it (water spots were still visible).

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 231:

      Narrated Sulaiman bin Yasar:

      I asked ‘Aisha about the clothes soiled with semen. She replied, “I used to wash it off the clothes of Allah’s Apostle and he would go for the prayer while water spots were still visible. ”

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 232:

      Narrated ‘Amr bin Maimun:

      I heard Sulaiman bin Yasar talking about the clothes soiled with semen. He said that ‘Aisha had said, “I used to wash it off the clothes of Allah’s Apostle and he would go for the prayers while water spots were still visible on them.

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 233:

      Narrated ‘Aisha:

      I used to wash the semen off the clothes of the Prophet and even then I used to notice one or more spots on them.

      From the Hadith of Bukhari:

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 229:

      Narrated ‘Aisha:

      I used to wash the traces of Janaba (semen) from the clothes of the Prophet and he used to go for prayers while traces of water were still on it (water spots were still visible).

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 230:

      Narrated ‘Aisha:

      as above (229).

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 231:

      Narrated Sulaiman bin Yasar:

      I asked ‘Aisha about the clothes soiled with semen. She replied, “I used to wash it off the clothes of Allah’s Apostle and he would go for the prayer while water spots were still visible. ”

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 232:

      Narrated ‘Amr bin Maimun:

      I heard Sulaiman bin Yasar talking about the clothes soiled with semen. He said that ‘Aisha had said, “I used to wash it off the clothes of Allah’s Apostle and he would go for the prayers while water spots were still visible on them.

      Volume 1, Book 4, Number 233:

      Narrated ‘Aisha:

      I used to wash the semen off the clothes of the Prophet and even then I used to notice one or more spots on them.


      Sahih al-Bukhari, volume 7, book 62, number 17
      Narrated jabir bin ‘abdullah:
      When I got married, Allah’s apostle said to me, “what type of lady have you married?” I replied, “I have married a matron.” he said, “why, don’t you have a liking for the virgins and for fondling them?” Jabir also said: Allah’s apostle said, “why didn’t you marry a young girl so that you might play with her and she with you?”
      Hence, Muhammad’s comments indicate that his reason for marrying Aisha while a young virgin is so that he could fondle and sexually play with her!


      In the classic history, Sirat Rasul Allah (The Life of Muhammad) by Ibn Ishaq, there is an account in which Muhammad expressed a marital interest in a crawling baby. This event seems to have occurred around the time of the battle of of Badr, when he was about 55 years old. He had married Aisha two years earlier, when he was 53 years of age.
      (Suhayli, ii. 79: in the Riwaya of Yunus i. I. Recorded that the apostle saw her (Ummu’lfadl) when she was a baby crawling before him and said,
      ‘if she grows up and I am still alive I will marry her.’
      but he died before she grew up and sufyan b. Al-aswad b. ‘Abdu’l-asad al-Makhzumi married her and she bore him rizq and lubab… [Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, Karachi, p. 311]
      Muhammad saw Um Habiba the daughter of Abbas while she was fatim (age of nursing) and he said, “if she grows up while I am still alive, I will marry her.” (Musnad Ahmad, number 25636)


      Bukhari (6:298) – Muhammad would take a bath with the little Aisha and fondle her.
      Narrated ‘Aisha:
      The prophet and I used to take a bath from a single pot while we were junub. During the menses, he used to order me to put on an izar (dress worn below the waist) and used to fondle me. While in itikaf, he used to bring his head near me and I would wash it while I used to be in my periods (menses).


      Sunaan abu Dawud: book 11, number 2161:
      Narrated Aisha, Ummul Mu’minin:
      I and the apostle of Allah (peace_be_upon_him) used to lie in one cloth at night while I was menstruating. If anything from me smeared him, he washed the same place (that was smeared), and did not wash beyond it. If anything from him smeared his clothe, he washed the same place and did not wash beyond that, and prayed with it (i.e. The clothe).


      Bukhari (6:300) – Muhammad’s wives had to be available for the prophet’s fondling even when they were having their menstrual period.
      Bukhari volume 1, book 6, number 299:
      Narrated ‘Abdur-rahman bin al-Aswad:
      …(on the authority of his father) ‘Aisha said: “Whenever Allah’s apostle wanted to fondle anyone of us during her periods (menses), he used to order her to put on an izar and start fondling her.” ‘Aisha added, “None of you could control his sexual desires as the prophet could.”


      Allah promoted this abusive sexual behavior:
      “Your women are a tilth for you (to cultivate) so go to your tilth as ye will” [Koran 2:223]
      Koran (2:223) likens a woman to a field (tilth), to be used by a man as he wills. In this verse, Allah also gives divine sanction for anal sex.
      According to Islam, Muhammad is the perfection of humanity and the prototype of the most wonderful human conduct. He had sex with Aisha at the age of nine, which amounts to rape of a minor. He also left behind an enduring legacy for aged Muslim men to fulfill their carnal desires contrary to natural law and to the life-long devastation of young girls.


      Quran 65.4 “and those of your women as have passed the age of monthly courses, for them the ‘iddah (prescribed divorce period), if you have doubts (about their periods), is three months, and for those who have no courses [(i.e. They are still immature) their ‘iddah (prescribed period) is three months likewise, except in case of death] . And for those who are pregnant (whether they are divorced or their husbands are dead), their ‘iddah (prescribed period) is until they deliver (their burdens) (give birth) and whosoever fears Allah and keeps his duty to him, he will make his matter easy for him.”
      Sura (65:4) lays down rules for divorce and sets the prescribed period for divorce. It clearly says, Muslim men can marry (and divorce) little girls who have not yet reached menstruation age. This means that Muslim men were allowed to marry baby girls. This is the eternal word of god. This is an eternal law of Allah. All Muslims must believe in this teaching. Otherwise, they are no longer Muslims but apostates of Islam.


      “All married women (are forbidden unto you) save those (captives) whom your right hands possess.” 4:24
      You can have sex with slaves women captured in war (with whom you may rape or do whatever you like).
      Muhammad established an appalling precedent for abuse of young girls which is continued to be nurtured by the Muslim faithful. For example, Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran gave a fatwa about Quran 65.4:
      “A man can marry a girl younger than nine years of age, even if the girl is still a baby being breastfed. A man, however is prohibited from having intercourse with a girl younger than nine, other sexual acts such as foreplay, rubbing, kissing and sodomy is allowed. A man having intercourse with a girl younger than nine years of age has not committed a crime, but only an infraction, if the girl is not permanently damaged. If the girl, however, is permanently damaged, the man must provide for her all her life. But this girl will not count as one of the man’s four permanent wives. He also is not permitted to marry the girl’s sister.”

      • Lucky bin “Clever Satan”, you are a Western Catholic SLAG, the smelliest scum!

        You know nothing else but to abuse others, you nincompoop. You said : “MOHAMMEDANS SCREW ANYTHING WITH AN “ASS”: WRONG!!!!!!!

        It is the Western world, especially the Catholics who are the worst sodomites and that the world knows!!

        We know about the molestations and sexual abuses going on in the churches the world over. Your churches have been tainted with dirt of molestations of the worshippers and behind the curtains happenings. There is NO need of going to Churches any more rather go to the mosques which are purer and more clean!

        Islam is better!!



      Sodomy is punishable by death in Saudi Arabia, but gay life flourishes there. Why it is “easier to be gay than straight” in a society where everyone, homosexual and otherwise, lives in the closet
      By Nadya Labi

      Yasser, a 26-year-old artist, was taking me on an impromptu tour of his hometown of Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, on a sweltering September afternoon. The air conditioner of his dusty Honda battled the heat, prayer beads dangled from the rearview mirror, and the smell of the cigarette he’d just smoked wafted toward me as he stopped to show me a barbershop that his friends frequent. Officially, men in Saudi Arabia aren’t allowed to wear their hair long or to display jewelry—such vanities are usually deemed to violate an Islamic instruction that the sexes must not be too similar in appearance. But Yasser wears a silver necklace, a silver bracelet, and a sparkly red stud in his left ear, and his hair is shaggy. Yasser is homosexual, or so we would describe him in the West, and the barbershop we visited caters to gay men. Business is brisk.
      Leaving the barbershop, we drove onto Tahlia Street, a broad avenue framed by palm trees, then went past a succession of sleek malls and slowed in front of a glass-and-steel shopping center. Men congregated outside and in nearby cafés. Whereas most such establishments have a family section, two of this area’s cafés allow only men; not surprisingly, they are popular among men who prefer one another’s company. Yasser gestured to a parking lot across from the shopping center, explaining that after midnight it would be “full of men picking up men.” These days, he said, “you see gay people everywhere.”

      Yasser turned onto a side street, then braked suddenly. “Oh shit, it’s a checkpoint,” he said, inclining his head toward some traffic cops in brown uniforms. “Do you have your ID?” he asked me. He wasn’t worried about the gay-themed nature of his tour—he didn’t want to be caught alone with a woman. I rummaged through my purse, realizing that I’d left my passport in the hotel for safekeeping. Yasser looked behind him to see if he could reverse the car, but had no choice except to proceed. To his relief, the cops nodded us through. “God, they freaked me out,” Yasser said. As he resumed his narration, I recalled something he had told me earlier. “It’s a lot easier to be gay than straight here,” he had said. “If you go out with a girl, people will start to ask her questions. But if I have a date upstairs and my family is downstairs, they won’t even come up.”

      Notorious for its adherence to Wahhabism, a puritanical strain of Islam, and as the birthplace of most of the 9/11 hijackers, Saudi Arabia is the only Arab country that claims sharia, or Islamic law, as its sole legal code. The list of prohibitions is long: It’s haram—forbidden—to smoke, drink, go to discos, or mix with an unrelated person of the opposite gender. The rules are enforced by the mutawwa’in, religious authorities employed by the government’s Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice.
      The kingdom is dominated by mosques and malls, which the mutawwa’in patrol in leather sandals and shortened versions of the thawb, the traditional ankle-length white robe that many Saudis wear. Some mutawwa’in even bear marks of their devotion on their faces; they bow to God so adamantly that pressing their foreheads against the ground leaves a visible dent. The mutawwa’in prod shoppers to say their devotions when the shops close for prayer, several times daily. If they catch a boy and a girl on a date, they might haul the couple to the police station. They make sure that single men steer clear of the malls, which are family-only zones for the most part, unless they are with a female relative. Though the power of the mutawwa’in has been curtailed recently, their presence still inspires fear.

      In Saudi Arabia, sodomy is punishable by death. Though that penalty is seldom applied, just this February a man in the Mecca region was executed for having sex with a boy, among other crimes. (For this reason, the names of most people in this story have been changed.) Ask many Saudis about homosexuality, and they’ll wince with repugnance. “I disapprove,” Rania, a 32-year-old human-resources manager, told me firmly. “Women weren’t meant to be with women, and men aren’t supposed to be with men.”

      This legal and public condemnation notwithstanding, the kingdom leaves considerable space for homosexual behavior. As long as gays and lesbians maintain a public front of obeisance to Wahhabist norms, they are left to do what they want in private. Vibrant communities of men who enjoy sex with other men can be found in cosmopolitan cities like Jeddah and Riyadh. They meet in schools, in cafés, in the streets, and on the Internet. “You can be cruised anywhere in Saudi Arabia, any time of the day,” said Radwan, a 42-year-old gay Saudi American who grew up in various Western cities and now lives in Jeddah. “They’re quite shameless about it.” Talal, a Syrian who moved to Riyadh in 2000, calls the Saudi capital a “gay heaven.”

      This is surprising enough. But what seems more startling, at least from a Western perspective, is that some of the men having sex with other men don’t consider themselves gay. For many Saudis, the fact that a man has sex with another man has little to do with “gayness.” The act may fulfill a desire or a need, but it doesn’t constitute an identity. Nor does it strip a man of his masculinity, as long as he is in the “top,” or active, role. This attitude gives Saudi men who engage in homosexual behavior a degree of freedom. But as a more Westernized notion of gayness—a notion that stresses orientation over acts—takes hold in the country, will this delicate balance survive?


      When Yasser hit puberty, he grew attracted to his male cousins. Like many gay and lesbian teenagers everywhere, he felt isolated. “I used to have the feeling that I was the queerest in the country,” he recalled. “But then I went to high school and discovered there are others like me. Then I find out, it’s a whole society.”

      This society thrives just below the surface. During the afternoon, traffic cops patrol outside girls’ schools as classes end, in part to keep boys away. But they exert little control over what goes on inside. A few years ago, a Jeddah- based newspaper ran a story on lesbianism in high schools, reporting that girls were having sex in the bathrooms. Yasmin, a 21-year-old student in Riyadh who’d had a brief sexual relationship with a girlfriend (and was the only Saudi woman who’d had a lesbian relationship who was willing to speak with me for this story), told me that one of the department buildings at her college is known as a lesbian enclave. The building has large bathroom stalls, which provide privacy, and walls covered with graffiti offering romantic and religious advice; tips include “she doesn’t really love you no matter what she tells you” and “before you engage in anything with [her] remember: God is watching you.” In Saudi Arabia, “It’s easier to be a lesbian [than a heterosexual]. There’s an overwhelming number of people who turn to lesbianism,” Yasmin said, adding that the number of men in the kingdom who turn to gay sex is even greater. “They’re not really homosexual,” she said. “They’re like cell mates in prison.”

      This analogy came up again and again during my conversations. As Radwan, the Saudi American, put it, “Some Saudi [men] can’t have sex with women, so they have sex with guys. When the sexes are so strictly segregated”—men are allowed little contact with women outside their families, in order to protect women’s purity—“how do they have a chance to have sex with a woman and not get into trouble?” Tariq, a 24-year-old in the travel industry, explains that many “tops” are simply hard up for sex, looking to break their abstinence in whatever way they can. Francis, a 34-year-old beauty queen from the Philippines (in 2003 he won a gay beauty pageant held in a private house in Jeddah by a group of Filipinos), reported that he’s had sex with Saudi men whose wives were pregnant or menstruating; when those circumstances changed, most of the men stopped calling. “If they can’t use their wives,” Francis said, “they have this option with gays.”

      Gay courting in the kingdom is often overt—in fact, the preferred mode is cruising. “When I was new here, I was worried when six or seven cars would follow me as I walked down the street,” Jamie, a 31-year-old Filipino florist living in Jeddah, told me. “Especially if you’re pretty like me, they won’t stop chasing you.” John Bradley, the author of Saudi Arabia Exposed: Inside a Kingdom in Crisis (2005), says that most male Western expatriates here, gay or not, have been propositioned by Saudi men driving by “at any time of the day or night, quite openly and usually very, very persistently.”

      Many gay expatriates say they feel more at home in the kingdom than in their native lands. Jason, a South African educator who has lived in Jeddah since 2002, notes that although South Africa allows gay marriage, “it’s as though there are more gays here.” For Talal, Riyadh became an escape. When he was 17 and living in Da¬mas¬cus, his father walked in on him having sex with a male friend. He hit Talal and grounded him for two months, letting him out of the house only after he swore he was no longer attracted to men. Talal’s pale face flushed crimson as he recalled his shame at disappointing his family. Eager to escape the weight of their expectations, he took a job in Riyadh. When he announced that he would be moving, his father responded, “You know all Saudis like boys, and you are white. Take care.” Talal was pleased to find a measure of truth in his father’s warning—his fair skin made him a hit among the locals.
      Marcos, a 41-year-old from the Philippines, was arrested in 1996 for attending a party featuring a drag show. He spent nine months in prison, where he got 200 lashes, before being deported. Still, he opted to return; he loves his work in fashion, which pays decently, and the social opportunities are an added bonus. “Guys romp around and parade in front of you,” he told me. “They will seduce you. It’s up to you how many you want, every day.”


      One evening in Jeddah after a sandstorm, I sat in the glass rotunda of a café on Tahlia Street. I’d spent many nights there, interviewing men who were too nervous about being caught with a woman to invite me to their apartments. In a country with no cinemas or clubs or bars, the family sections of cafés and restaurants are popular dating haunts, and during my time in Saudi Arabia, I saw many heterosexual couples talking quietly together, while the girl’s cover—her girlfriends—sat nearby.
      On this occasion, I was accompanied by Misfir, 34, who was showing me how to navigate Paltalk, a Web site similar to the one where he met his boyfriend three and a half years ago. Misfir told me that “bottoms”—men willing to be penetrated—are in short supply, and he advised me that if I wanted to generate responses to my postings, I should come up with a screen name that hinted at such willingness. We settled on “jedbut,” and I logged on to the “Gulf Arab Love” chat room, introducing myself as a bottom.
      Within minutes, I had more admirers than I could handle. They dispensed with small talk, asking for my “ASL”—age, size, and location—without preamble. “Jeddah_bythesea” cited his private dimensions and sent electronic “nudges” when I was slow to respond. “Jedbuilt” pressed me to continue the conversation by phone, but I was distracted by the flirty attentions of jed-to-heart.” However, jed-to-heart’s tone changed when I revealed I was a journalist:

      JED-TO-HEART: I lie

      JEDBUT: who do you lie to?

      JED-TO-HEART: I lie in my work

      JED-TO-HEART: with my family

      JED-TO-HEART: but I’m gay

      JED-TO-HEART: I can’t say I’m gay

      JEDBUT: is that hard? to lie? do you tell people you like women?

      JED-TO-HEART: that why I lie

      JEDBUT: what do you think your family will do if they find out?

      JED-TO-HEART: yes

      JEDBUT: are you married?

      JED-TO-HEART: ohhhhhhhhhhhhh I think I will kill myselif

      He went on to write that he kept his sexual preference a secret from just about everyone, including his wife of five years.

      Back in Gulf Arab Love the next day, I encountered “Anajedtop,” who said he liked both men and women; he too was married. I told him I was a journalist, and we chatted for a bit. I asked him if we could meet. He was hesitant, but he seemed curious to find out whether I was for real. We arranged to get together that evening at the Starbucks on Tahlia Street. I waited for him in the family section, which opens out onto the mall and is surrounded by a screen of plants. A mall guard patrolled just outside. At first, Anajedtop avoided my eyes, directing his comments to my male interpreter. “I went in [the chat room] to get an idea of the bad people in those rooms so that God will keep me away from those kinds of things,” he said, his leg jiggling nervously. He abandoned this weak cover story as our conversation progressed.

      He claimed to prefer women, though he admitted that few women frequent the Gulf Arab Love chat room. In the absence of women, he said, he’d “go with” a guy. “I go in and put up an offer,” he said. “I set the tone. I’m in control.” To be in control, for Anajedtop, meant to be on top. “It’s not in my nature to be a bottom,” he said. I asked him whether he was gay, and he responded, “No! A gay is against the norm. Anybody can be a top, but only a gay can be a bottom.” He added, “The worst thing is to be a bottom.”

      The call to prayer sounded over a loudspeaker, and his leg began shaking more insistently; he put a hand on his knee in a futile attempt to still it. The guard hovered. “I’m worried the mutawwa’in might come,” Anajedtop said, and rushed off to catch the evening prayer.

      WHAT IS ‘GAY’?

      In The History of Sexuality, a multivolume work published in the 1970s and ’80s, Michel Foucault proposed his famous thesis that Western academic, medical, and political discourse of the 18th and 19th centuries had produced the idea of the homosexual as a deviant type: In Western society, homosexuality changed from being a behavior (what you do) to an identity (who you are).

      In the Middle East, however, homosexual behavior remained just that—an act, not an orientation. That is not to say that Middle Eastern men who had sex with other men were freely tolerated. But they were not automatically labeled deviant. The taxonomy revolved around the roles of top and bottom, with little stigma attaching to the top. “‘Sexuality’ is distinguished not between ‘homosexual’ and ‘heterosexual’ but between taking pleasure and submitting to someone (being used for pleasure),” the sociologist Stephen O. Murray explains in the 1997 compilation Islamic Homosexualities: Culture, History, and Literature. Being a bottom was shameful because it meant playing a woman’s role. A bottom was not locked into his inferior status, however; he could, and was expected to, leave the role behind as he grew older. “There may be a man, and he likes boys. The Saudis just look at this as, ‘He doesn’t like football,’” Dave, a gay American teacher who first moved to Saudi Arabia in 1978, told me. “It’s assumed that he is, as it were, the dominant partner, playing the man’s role, and there is no shame attached to it.” Nor is the dominant partner considered gay.
      However much this may seem like sophistry, it is in keeping with a long-standing Muslim tradition of accommodating homosexual impulses, if not homosexual identity. In 19th-century Iran, a young beardless adolescent was considered an object of beauty—desired by men—who would grow naturally into an older bearded man who desired youthful males. There, as in much of the Islamic world, sexual practices were “not considered fixed into lifelong patterns of sexual orientation,” as Afsaneh Najmabadi demonstrates in her 2005 book, Women With Mustaches and Men Without Beards: Gender and Sexual Anxieties of Iranian Modernity. A man was expected to marry, and as long as he fulfilled his procreative obligations, the community didn’t probe his extracurricular activities.

      A magazine editor in Jeddah told me that many boys in Mecca, where he grew up, have sexual relations with men, but they don’t see themselves as gay. Abubaker Bagader, a human-rights activist based in Jeddah, explained that homosexuality can be viewed as a phase. “Homosexuality is considered something one might pass by,” he said. “It’s to be understood as a stage of life, particularly at youth.” This view of sexual behavior, in combination with the strict segregation of the sexes, serves to foster homosexual acts, shifting the stigma onto bottoms and allowing older men to excuse their younger behavior—their time as bottoms—as mere youthful transgressions.

      In Islamic Homosexualities, the anthropologist Will Roscoe shows that this “status-differentiated pattern”— whereby it’s OK to be a top but not a bottom—has its roots in Greco-Roman culture, and he emphasizes that the top-bottom power dynamic is commonly expressed in relations between older men and younger boys. Yasmin, the student who told me about the lesbian enclave at her college, said that her 16-year-old brother, along with many boys his age, has been targeted by his male elders as a sexual object. “It’s the land of sand and sodomites,” she said. “The older men take advantage of the little boys.” Dave, the American educator, puts it this way: “Let’s say there’s a group of men sitting around in a café. If a smooth-faced boy walks by, they all stop and make approving comments. They’re just noting, ‘That’s a hot little number.’”


      Yet a paradox exists at the heart of Saudi conceptions of gay sex and sexual identity: Despite their seemingly flexible view of sexuality, most of the Saudis I interviewed, including those men who identify themselves as gay, consider sodomy a grave sin. During Ramadan, my Jeddah tour guide, Yasser, abstains from sex. His sense of propriety is widely shared: Few gay parties occur in the country during the holy month. Faith is a “huge confusion” for gay Muslims, Yasser and others told me. “My religion says it’s forbidden, and to practice this kind of activity, you’ll end up in hell,” he explains. But Yasser places hope in God’s merciful nature. “God forgives you if, from the inside, you are very pure,” he said. “If you have guilt all the time while you’re doing this stuff, maybe God might forgive you. If you practice something forbidden and keep it quiet, God might forgive you.” Zahar, a 41-year-old Saudi who has traveled widely throughout the world, urged me not to write about Islam and homosexuality; to do so, he said, is to cut off debate, because “it’s always the religion that holds people back.” He added, “The original points of Islam can never be changed.” Years ago, Zahar went to the library to ascertain just what those points are. What he found surprised him. “Strange enough, there is no certain condemnation for that [homosexual] act in Islam. On the other hand, to have illegal sex between a man and a woman, there are very clear rules and sub-rules.”
      Indeed, the Koran does not contain rules about homosexuality, says Everett K. Rowson, a professor at New York University who is working on a book about homosexuality in medieval Islamic society. “The only passages that deal with the subject unambiguously appear in the passages dealing with Lot.”

      The story of Lot is rendered in the Koran much as it is in the Old Testament. The men of Lot’s town lust after male angels under his protection, and he begs them to have sex with his virgin daughters instead:
      Do ye commit lewdness / such as no people / in creation (ever) committed / before you? For ye practice your lusts / on men in preference / to women: ye are indeed / a people transgressing beyond / bounds.
      The men refuse to heed him and are punished by a shower of brimstone. Their defiance survives linguistically: In Arabic, the “top” sodomite is luti, meaning “of [the people of] Lot.”

      This surely suggests that sodomy is considered sinful, but the Koran’s treatment of the practice contrasts with its discussions of zina—sexual relations between a man and a woman who are not married to each other. Zina is explicitly condemned:

      Nor come nigh to adultery: / for it is a shameful (deed) / and an evil, opening to the road / (to other evils).
      The punishment for it is later spelled out: 100 lashes for each party. The Koran does not offer such direct guidance on what to do about sodomy. Many Islamic scholars analogize the act to zina to determine a punishment, and some go so far as to say the two sins are the same.

      Two other key verses deal with sexual transgression. The first instructs:

      If any of your women / are guilty of lewdness, / take the evidence of four / (reliable) witnesses from amongst / you/ against them; and if they testify, / confine [the women] to houses until / death do claim them, / or God ordain them / some (other) way.

      But what is this “lewdness”? Is it zina or lesbianism? It is hard to say. The second verse is also ambiguous:
      If two men among you / are guilty of lewdness, / punish them both. / If they repent and amend, / leave them alone …

      In Arabic, the masculine “dual pronoun” can refer to two men or to a man and a woman. So again—sodomy, or zina?

      For many centuries, Rowson says, these verses were widely thought to pertain to zina, but since the early 20th century, they have been largely assumed to proscribe homosexual behavior. He and most other scholars in the field believe that at about that time, Middle Eastern attitudes toward homosexuality fundamentally shifted. Though same-sex practices were considered taboo, and shameful for the bottom, same-sex desire had long been understood as a natural inclination. For example, Abu Nuwas—a famous eighth-century poet from Baghdad—and his literary successors devoted much ink to the charms of attractive boys. At the turn of the century, Islamic society began to express revulsion at the concept of homosexuality, even if it was confined only to lustful thoughts, and this distaste became more pronounced with the influx of Western media. “Many attitudes with regard to sexual morality that are thought to be identical to Islam owe a lot more to Queen Victoria” than to the Koran, Rowson told me. “People don’t know—or they try to keep it under the carpet—that 200 years ago, highly respected religious scholars in the Middle East were writing poems about beautiful boys.”

      Even Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab—the 18th- century religious scholar who founded Wahhabism—seems to draw a distinction between homosexual desires and homosexual acts, according to Natana DeLong-Bas, the author of Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad (2004). The closest Abd al-Wahhab came to touching upon the topic of homosexuality was in a description of an effeminate man who is interested in other men at a wedding banquet. His tone here is tolerant rather than condemnatory; as long as the man controls his urges, no one in the community has the right to police him.
      Religious scholars have turned to the hadith—the sayings and doings of the Prophet Muhammad—to supplement the Koran’s scant teachings about sodomy and decide on a punishment. There are six canonical collections of hadith, the earliest recorded two centuries after Muhammad’s death. The two most authoritative collections, Rowson says, don’t mention sodomy. In the remaining four, the most important citation reads: “Those whom you find performing the act of the people of Lot, kill both the active and the passive partner.” Though some legal schools reject this hadith as unreliable, most scholars of Hanbalism, the school of legal thought that underpins the official law of the Saudi kingdom, accept it. It may have provided the authority for the execution this February. (Judges will go out of their way to avoid finding that an act of sodomy has occurred, however.)


      The gay men I interviewed in Jeddah and Riyadh laughed when I asked them if they worried about being executed. Although they do fear the mutawwa’in to some degree, they believe the House of Saud isn’t interested in a widespread hunt of homosexuals. For one thing, such an effort might expose members of the royal family to awkward scrutiny. “If they wanted to arrest all the gay people in Saudi Arabia,” Misfir, my chat-room guide, told me—repeating what he says was a police officer’s comment—“they’d have to put a fence around the whole country.”

      In addition, the power of the mutawwa’in is limited by the Koran, which frowns upon those who intrude on the privacy of others in order to catch them in sinful acts. The mandate of the Committee on the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice is specifically to regulate behavior in the public realm. What occurs behind closed doors is between a believer and God.

      This seems to be the way of the kingdom: essentially, “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.” Private misbehavior is fine, as long as public decorum is observed. Cinemas are forbidden, but people watch pirated DVDs. Drinking is illegal, but alcohol flows at parties. Women wrap their bodies and faces in layers of black, but pornography flourishes. Gay men thrive in this atmosphere. “We really have a very comfortable life,” said Zahar, the Saudi who asked me not to write about homosexuality and Islam. “The only thing is the outward showing. I can be flamboyant in my house, but not outside.”

      This strikes many Saudis as a reasonable accommodation. Court records in Saudi Arabia are generally closed, but anecdotal evidence suggests that the mutawwa’in are most likely to punish men who are overtly effeminate— those whose public behavior advertises a gayness that others keep private.

      Filipinos, who have little influence and less familiarity with the demands of a double life, seem to be especially vulnerable. When I asked Jamie, the Filipino who says he gets followed down the street by Saudi men, whether he was gay, he answered, with a high giggle, “Obviously!” But he has paid a price for his flamboyant manner. He used to wear his thick black hair down to his shoulders, concealing it with a baseball cap in public, until recently, when he ran into a man in a shortened thawb at a coffee shop. The mutawwa asked for his work permit. Even though he produced one, Jamie was shoved into an SUV and driven to a police station.

      “Are you gay?” a police officer asked after pulling off Jamie’s cap and seeing his long hair. “Of course not,” Jamie said. He challenged the cop to find a violation, and the officer confirmed the mutawwa’s report that Jamie was wearing makeup, dressing like a woman, and flirting. After spending a night in jail, Jamie was taken to mutawwa’in headquarters in Jeddah, and a mutawwa interrogated him again. When he tried to defend himself, the mutawwa asked him to walk, and Jamie strode across the room in what he considered a manly fashion. He was eventually allowed to call his boss, who secured his release. Jamie cut his hair—not out of fear, he says, but because he didn’t want to bother his boss a second time.

      Jamie laughed as he told me of his attempts at dissimulation; though the stakes can be high, efforts to stamp out homosexuality here often do seem farcical. The mutawwa’in get to play the heavies, the government goes through the motions, and the perps play innocent—Me? Gay? Few people in the kingdom, other than the mutawwa’in, seem to take the process seriously. When the mutawwa’in busted the party that led to Marcos’s deportation, they separated the “showgirls” wearing drag from the rest of the partygoers, and then asked everyone but the drag queens to line up against the wall for the dawn prayer. At the first of the three ensuing trials, Marcos and the 23 other Filipinos who’d been detained were confronted with the evidence from the party: plastic bags full of makeup, shoes, wigs, and pictures of the defendants dressed like women. When the Filipinos were returned to their cells, they began arguing about who had looked the hottest in the photos. And even after his punishment and deportation, Marcos was unfazed; when he returned to Jeddah, it was under the same name.

      The threat of a crackdown always looms, however. In March 2005, the police crashed what they identified as a “gay wedding” in a rented hall near Jeddah; according to some sources, the gathering was only a birthday party. (Similar busts have occurred in Riyadh.) Most of the party¬goers were reportedly released without having to do jail time, but the arrests rattled the gay community; at the time of my visit, party organizers were sticking to more-intimate gatherings and monitoring guest lists closely.


      To be gay in Saudi Arabia is to live a contradiction—to have license without rights, and to enjoy broad tolerance without the most minimal acceptance. The closet is not a choice; it is a rule of survival.
      When I asked Tariq, the 24-year-old in the travel industry, whether his parents suspected he was gay, he responded, “Maybe they feel it, but they have not come up to me and asked me. They don’t want to open the door.” Stephen Murray, the sociologist, has called this sort of denial “the will not to know”—a phrase that perfectly captures Saudi society’s defiant resolve to look the other way. Acknowledging homosexuality would harden a potentially mutable behavior into an identity that contradicts the teachings of Islam, to the extent that Islam deals with the subject. A policy of official denial but tacit acceptance leaves space for change, the possibility that gay men will abandon their sinful ways. Amjad, a gay Palestinian I met in Riyadh, holds out hope that he’ll be “cured” of homosexuality, that when his wife receives her papers to join him in Saudi Arabia, he’ll be able to break off his relationship with his boyfriend. “God knows what I have in my heart,” he said. “I’m trying to do the best I can, obeying the religion. I’m fasting, I’m praying, I’m giving zakat [charity]. All the things that God has asked us to do, if I have the ability, I will do it.”

      Amjad cited a parable about two men living in the same house. The upstairs man was devout and had spent his life praying to God. The downstairs man went to parties, drank, and committed zina. One night, the upstairs man had the urge to try what the downstairs man was doing. At the same moment, the downstairs man decided to see what his neighbor was up to. “They died at the stairs,” Amjad said. “The one going down went to hell. The one going up went to heaven.” For Amjad to accept a fixed identity as a gay man would be to forgo the possibility of ever going upstairs.

      But as the Western conception of sexual identity has filtered into the kingdom via television and the Internet, it has begun to blur the Saudi view of sexual behavior as distinct from sexual identity. For example, although Yasser is open to the possibility that he will in time grow attracted to women, he considers himself gay. He says that his countrymen are starting to see homosexual behavior as a marker of identity: “Now that people watch TV all the time, they know what gay people look like and what they do,” he explains. “They know if your favorite artist is Madonna and you listen to a lot of music, that means you are gay.” The Jeddah-based magazine editor sees a similar trend. “The whole issue used to be whether that guy was a [top] or a bottom,” he told me. “Now people are getting more into the concept of homosexual and straight.”

      But new recognition of this distinction has not brought with it acceptance of homosexuality: Saudis may be tuning in to Oprah, but her tell-all ethic has yet to catch on. Radwan, the Saudi American, came out to his parents only after spending time in the United States—and the experience was so bad that he’s gone back into the closet. His father, a Saudi, threatened to kill himself, then decided that he couldn’t (because suicide is haram), then contemplated killing Radwan instead. “In the end,” Radwan told me, “I said, ‘I’m not gay anymore. I’m straight.’” Most of his gay peers choose to remain silent within their families. Yasser says that if his mother ever found out he’s gay, she would treat him as if he were sick and take him to psychologists to try to find a cure.

      Zahar, at 41, has managed the unusual feat of staving off marriage without revealing himself to be gay. Marriage would devastate him, he says, and exposure of his homosexuality would devastate his family. So Zahar has employed an elaborate series of stratagems: a fake girlfriend, a fake engagement to a sympathetic cousin, the breaking off of the engagement. As he put it, “I schemed, and I planned. I don’t like to con people, but I had to do that for my family.”

      In the West, we would expect such subterfuge to exact a high psychological cost. But a closet doesn’t feel as lonely when so many others, gay and straight, are in it, too. A double life is the essence of life in the kingdom—everyone has to keep private any deviance from official norms. The expectation that Zahar would maintain a public front at odds with his private self is no greater than the expectations facing his straight peers. Dave, the gay American I met, recalled his surprise when his boyfriend of five years got married, and then asked him to go to the newlyweds’ apartment to “make the bed up the way you make it up,” for the benefit of the bride. “Saudis will get stressed about things that wouldn’t cause us to blink,” Dave said. “But having to live a double life, that’s just a normal thing.”

      Most of the gay men I interviewed said that gay rights are beside the point. They view the downsides of life in Saudi Arabia—having to cut your hair, or hide your jewelry, or even spend time in prison for going to a party—as minor aggravations. “When I see a gay parade [in trips to the West], it’s too much of a masquerade for attention,” Zahar said. “You don’t need that. Women’s rights, gay rights—why? Get your rights without being too loud.”

      Embracing gay identity, generally viewed in the West as the path to fuller rights, could backfire in Saudi Arabia. The idea of being gay, as opposed to simply acting on sexual urges, may bring with it a deeper sense of shame. “When I first came here, people didn’t seem to have guilt. They were sort of ‘I’ll worry about that on Judgment Day,’” Dave said. “Now, with the Internet and Arabia TV, they have some guilt.” The magazine editor in Jeddah says that when he visits his neighbors these days, they look back at their past sexual encounters with other men regretfully, thinking, “What the hell were we doing? It’s disgusting.”
      When Radwan arrived in Jeddah, in 1987, after seeing the gay-rights movement in the United States firsthand, he wanted more than the tacit right to quietly do what he chose. “Invisibility gives you the cover to be gay,” he said. “But the bad part of invisibility is that it’s hard to build a public identity and get people to admit there is such a community and then to give you some rights.” He tried to rally the community and encourage basic rights—like the right not to be imprisoned. But the locals took him aside and warned him to keep his mouth shut. They told him, “You’ve got everything a gay person could ever want.”

      This article available online at:
      Copyright © 2014 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. All Rights Reserved.


      | Thursday, January 1st, 2009 |

      Intro: Two guest authors provide much-needed and updated stories about the presence of male homosexuality in modern Saudi Arabia, without the hysteria and distortions often posted in the media. This is not to say this fundamentalist regime is ‘open’ to gay life but the stories offer a calm observation of sexuality as it happens in real life.

      Also see:

      Islam and Homosexuality
      Gay Saudi Arabia News & Reports 2000 to present
      By John R Bradley in Jeddah
      The Independent, London
      20 February 2004
      (Reprinted without permission)

      In the glass and marble shopping malls of this cosmopolitan and comparatively laid-back city on the Red Sea, young Saudi Arabian men are taking advantage of the emergence of an increasingly tolerated Western-oriented gay scene.

      Certain malls are known as cruising areas, and there are even gay-friendly coffee shops. A big gay disco takes place at a private villa in the north of the city once a week. And young Saudis who frequent these venues, many returnees from the United States after the 11 September 2001 attacks, say that they get to know one another through the Internet.

      The paradox of Saudi Arabia is that while the executioner’s sword awaits anyone convicted of the crime of sodomy, in practice homosexuality is tolerated.

      “I don’t feel oppressed at all,” said one, a 23-year-old who was meeting in one of the coffee shops with a group of self-identified “gay” Saudi friends dressed in Western clothes and speaking fluent English. “I heard that after 11 September, a Saudi student who was going to be deported on a visa technicality applied for political asylum because he was gay,” he added, provoking laughter from the others. “What was he thinking of? We have more freedom here than straight couples. After all, they can’t kiss in public like we can, or stroll down the street holding one another’s hand.

      “Saudi Arabia’s domestic reform initiative, combined with the kingdom’s eagerness to shed an international reputation for fostering extremism and intolerance, may even have some benefits for this strict Islamic society’s gay community.

      Shortly after the attacks on America – most of the suicide-hijackers were Saudi nationals – a Saudi diplomat in Washington denied that the kingdom beheads homosexuals, while openly admitting that “sodomy” is practised by consenting males in Saudi Arabia “on a daily basis”. Even the head of the notorious religious police has since acknowledged the existence of a local gay population.
      The treatment of gay men here received international attention when an Interior Ministry statement reported in January 2002 that three men in the southern city of Abha had been “beheaded for homosexuality”. The report provoked widespread condemnation from gay and human-rights groups in the West – and a swift denial from an official at the Saudi embassy in Washington, DC. Tariq Allegany, an embassy spokesman, said the three were beheaded for the sexual abuse of boys. He said: “I would guess there’s sodomy going on daily in Saudi Arabia, but we don’t have executions for it all the time.”
      A Riyadh-based Western diplomat, aware of the details of the case, confirmed the men were beheaded for “rape”. “The three men seduced a number of very young boys and videoed themselves raping them. Then they used the recordings, and the fear the boys had of being exposed, to get the youngsters to recruit their friends,” he said.

      While homosexuality is illegal in Saudi Arabia, doubt surrounds specific punishment for it. Some gay foreigners were deported in the 1990s, “but no Saudi has ever been prosecuted for ‘being a homosexual’. The concept just doesn’t exist here,” the Western diplomat said. Since the uproar over the beheadings, the kingdom’s Internet Services Unit, responsible for blocking sites deemed “unIslamic” or politically sensitive, unblocked access to its home page for gay Saudi surfers after being bombarded with critical e-mails from the US.

      A S Getenio, manager of, said Saudi Arabia seemed concerned about the bad publicity blocking the site would bring, “at the time it was involved in a multi-million dollar advertising campaign in the US to improve its image”.

      Ibrahim bin Abdullah bin Ghaith, the head of the religious police (the Committee for the Prevention of Vice and the Promotion of Virtue) acknowledged, in unusually tempered language, that there are gay Saudis, while also speaking of the need “to educate the young” about this “vice”.

      But he denied media reports that gay and lesbian relationships were the norm in the strictly segregated schools and colleges, that homosexuality “is spreading”. In an unprecedented two-page special investigation, the daily newspaper

      Okaz said lesbianism was “endemic” among schoolgirls. It justified the article with a saying of the Prophet’s wife Ayeshathat “there should be no shyness in religion”.

      The article told of lesbian sex in school lavatories, girls stigmatised after refusing the advances of their fellow students, and teachers complaining that none of the girls were willing to change their behaviour. Mr Ghaith dismissed a suggestion that he should send his “enforcers” to investigate. Armed with sticks, they routinely hunt down men and women in public they suspect may not be directly related. “This perversion is found in all countries,” he told Okaz. “The number [of homosexuals] here is small …”

      That assessment is contradicted by teachers and students who say that, in the absence of other outlets, a “gay” subculture has inevitably flourished among youth.

      “A particularly beautiful boy always gets top marks in the exams because he’s some teacher’s favourite,” said Mohammed, an English teacher in a government high school in Riyadh. “On the other hand, I know many older boys who deliberately flunked their final exams so they can stay … with their younger sweethearts.

      “Ahmed, 19, a student at a private college in Jeddah, said there was no shame in having a boyfriend in his private high school. Although he firmly rejected the label “gay”, he admitted that he now has a “special friend” in college, too. “It’s those who don’t have a boy who are ashamed to admit it. We introduce our boy to our friends as ‘al walid hagi’ [the boy who belongs to me]. At the beginning of term, we always check out the new boys to see which are the most ‘helu’ [sweet] and think of ways to get to know them.”
      By Mubarak Dahir (E-mail:
      21 November 2002

      I am in my hotel room in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, speaking on the phone to one of several men I contacted via e-mail before I arrived, in the hopes of getting a glimpse of gay life in what may be the most closed society remaining in the world. Like the three others I end up interviewing during my short stay in this complicated country, this man feels most comfortable meeting me in the relatively safe space of my hotel lobby.

      ” How will I know you who you are?” I ask as we arrange a meeting time.

      ” I’ll be wearing a red T-shirt,” he says. “Believe me, no one in Saudi Arabia wears a red T-shirt!” he says about the conservative dress code here. In public, every Saudi woman wears the obligatory abayeh, the black garment that covers her body from head to toe. And while it’s not uncommon to see men dressed in Western slacks and collar shirts, by far most men dress conservatively and traditionally, too, in the white, floor-length robe called a dish-dash, topped with a red checkered kifeyah headdress.

      I enter the lobby at the designated time, on the lookout for the signature coloured garment. I spot “Haitham” immediately. (All the men I interviewed in Saudi Arabia asked that their real names not be used.) But even without the red signpost, gaydar would have quickly led me to my mark.

      A 28-year-old architect, Haitham could be a gay man right out of Chelsea or the Castro. He’s wearing red sneakers and tight jeans, and his hugging red shirt shows off a muscular body that is obviously a regular at the gym. A sharp jaw line cuts his angular face, and his eyes are dark and deep. The short, thick black curls on the top of his head are kept stiff with mousse.

      Later, after we go to my room, the only place Haitham and the other men feel safe speaking openly, he tells me that his dress code is one sure sign to other gay men of his sexuality. But more importantly, it’s a symbol of just how much the country has opened up for gay men in the past decade. These days, he says, gay men can be “out” in the way they dress. “If I wear a tight or flashy T-shirt, straight men just think I am trying to show off,” he says, smiling. “But other gay men know.”

      The number one way people meet is through the Internet, he says, including several sites specifically for gay men in Saudi Arabia. “The government blocks a lot of sites,” he says, “but if you know how to navigate the Net, you can get around it.”

      The opening up of gay life in Saudi society includes a network of private parties, at least one each weekend, attended by anywhere from 20 to 50 men, says Haitham. There are several cruisy streets that men drive back and forth on after midnight. (No one walks anywhere in Riyadh.) And Riyadh even boasts three gay cafes, two of which draw mixed crowds, but one of which is 90 percent gay.

      Only after promising that I will not reveal it in my article, Haitham tells me the name of the gay cafe, and draws me a map of how to get there.

      The next night, I convince a reluctant “Fahed” whom I meet by chance in the hotel lobby to take me to the gay cafe. We arrive about 10 p.m. on a Wednesday night, and yet the place is packed, with most of the small, round chrome tables and matching chairs placed outside to take advantage of the warm night air. I am surprised that the men sit so freely in the open. Even more surprising is that most of the customers are clad in the Saudi dish-dash and kifeyah, rather than the jeans and T-shirt look sported by Haitham and Fahed. At first, I wonder how gay this cafe really is. But within minutes, I feel the heavy gazes of men cruising a newcomer, and all doubts melt.

      Inside, the walls are painted a bright peach, and colorful strands of neon light overhead liven up the place. The waiters are mostly Filipino, and rush back and forth from the kitchen with trays of hot sandwiches, cappuccinos and French deserts.

      Fahed, a tall, slim 25-year-old who drives his father’s Mercedes, is a little nervous about being at the coffeehouse. He’s been before, but not for a several months. The last time he visited, he found a note from an anonymous admirer on the car windshield. It freaked him out that a secret suitor knew what car he drove.

      Like the other men I spoke with while in Saudi Arabia, Fahed is highly educated, speaks nearly perfect English, and is comfortable with himself as a gay man. His fears about coming out revolve almost exclusively around his family rather than the government or religion. All four men I interviewed, including Fahed, rolled their eyes and laughed when I inquired about whether the Saudi government executes men for being gay.

      ” Oh come on, please, that is so exaggerated,” insists Fahed. “Americans love those kind of dramatic stories, but they are mostly lore. I mean, it’s well known there are several members of the royal family who are gay. No one’s chopping their heads off.”

      ” Of course, there are no gay rights groups,” he adds. “Political groups of any kind are not tolerated.”
      But more than fear of the government, family shame keeps gay men in the closet here, he says. “If I would come out,” Fahed says slowly, shuddering at the mere thought, “I wouldn’t just ruin my life. I’d ruin four other lives too,” referring to his brother, sister, mother and father. His father who’s a highly placed Saudi government official would certainly lose his job, and the family would be totally disgraced, he says.
      So while things may well be easier today for gays in Saudi Arabia than in the past, he says, “There is always a limit. There will never be a real gay society here.”

      So while things may well be easier today for gays in Saudi Arabia than in the past, he says, “There is always a limit. There will never be a real gay society here.”



      Human Terrain Team (HTT) AF-6
      Research Update and Findings


      The Human Terrain Team AF-6, assigned to the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Battalion and co-located with British forces in Lashkar Gah, has been requested by these forces to provide insight on Pashtun cultural traditions regarding male sexuality for reasons of enhanced baseline cultural understanding for improved interaction as well as any IO applicability.


      Because of the extremely sensitive nature of this investigation, traditional HTT techniques involving a directed research plan and series of interviews executed to generate, test, and confirm hypotheses are not feasible. Direct questioning of Pashtun male interviewees on the subject is further hindered by the female gender of the social scientist writing. Instead, findings here will be based upon field observations and interviews responses by Pashtun men which were revealing regarding the topic, although discovered through the lines of questioning of other investigations. As sexuality is an essential building block of all human interaction and culture, these incidences of insight have been abundant, even couched in other research goals.

      Secondary interviewees who have had extensive relevant interaction have been debriefed
      regarding their experiences. These include public health officers and medics who have treated a number of Pashtun men for sexual conditions, and other service members involved, like HTT, in relationship-building and interpersonal interaction.

      Extensive open-source journalistic and academic writings on the subject have been additionally consulted, some involving directly quoted answers from Pashtun interviewees. References are included for further examination.1

      Key Observations
      A culturally-contrived homosexuality (significantly not termed as such by its practitioners) appears to affect a far greater population base then some researchers would
      argue is attributable to natural inclination.

      1 Nevertheless, this work remains an informal paper written in a deployed field environment with the limited open-source resources available and without access to an academic library. The Human Terrain System’s Research Reach-back Center (RRC) may have additional resources on the topic.

      Some of its root causes lie in the severe segregation of women, the prohibitive cost of
      marriage within Pashtun tribal codes, and the depressed economic situation into which
      young Pashtun men are placed.

      • Other root causes include a long-standing cultural tradition in which boys are appreciated for physical beauty and apprenticed to older men for their sexual initiation.2 The fallout of this pattern of behavior over generations has a profound impact on Pashtun society and culture.

      • Homosexuality is strictly prohibited in Islam, but cultural interpretations of Islamic
      teaching prevalent in Pashtun areas of southern Afghanistan tacitly condone it in comparison to heterosexual relationships in several contexts.

      • Pashtun men are freer with companionship, affection, emotional and artistic expression, and the trust bred of familiarity with other men. They often lack the experience of these aspects of life with women.

      • This usurping of the female role may contribute to the alienation of women over
      generations, and their eventual relegation to extreme segregation and abuse.


      Military cultural awareness training for Afghanistan often emphasizes that the effeminate
      characteristics of male Pashtun interaction are to be considered “normal” and no indicator of a prevalence of homosexuality. This training is intended to prevent servicemembers from reacting with typically western shock or aversion to such displays. However, slightly more in-depth research points to the presence of a culturally-dependent homosexuality appearing to affect a far greater population base then some researchers would argue is attributable to natural inclination.

      To dismiss the existence of this dynamic out of desire to avoid western discomfort is to risk failing to comprehend an essential social force underlying Pashtun culture—one with a variety of potential implications upon the efficacy and applicability of ISAF efforts and on the long-term future of Afghan society.

      2 While researchers may argue whether this can rightly be termed abusive when seen through a lens from within the culture, it is not arguable that it involves a great imbalance of power and/or authority to the disadvantage of the boy involved. (For information regarding the sexual exploitation of boys as part of Taliban and private militia indoctrination of pre-teen fighters, see the New York Times article by Craig Smith regarding “Warlords and Pedophilia” and the Reuters article “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords”—both referenced in “Further Reading.”)

      HTT is often approached for advice by US and British servicemembers who report
      encounters with men displaying apparently homosexual tenancies. These servicemembers are frequently confused in the interpretation of this behavior. The British newspaper article below may be written with an attempt at humor, yet the Marines quoted typify the reaction often seen in service members upon their initial encounters with Pashtun males. As HTT has observed with frequency while on patrols in Helmand and Kandahar provinces, these men are outwardly affectionate toward both one another and male ISAF members, are extremely gentle in their demeanor and touch, and have often taken great care in embellishing their personal appearance with fingernails dyed red, hair and beards hennaed in careful patterns, and eyes very occasionally subtly outlined.

      The article titled “Startled Marines Find Afghan Men All Made Up to See Them,” by
      Chris Stephen ran in the national newspaper The Scotsman on May 24, 2002. Not even in
      reference to the more heavily Pashtun southern areas of Afghanistan, it read:

      In Baghram, British Marines returning from an operation deep in the Afghan mountains spoke last night of an alarming new threat—being propositioned by swarms of gay local farmers. An Arbroath Marine, James Fletcher, said: ‘They were more terrifying than the al-Qaeda. One bloke who had painted toenails was offering to paint ours. They go about hand in hand, mincing around the village.’ While the Marines failed to find any al-Qaeda during the seven-day Operation Condor, they were propositioned by dozens of men in villages the troops were ordered to search.

      Another interviewee in the article, a Marine in his 20’s, stated, “It was hell… Every village we went into we got a group of men wearing make-up coming up, stroking our hair and cheeks and making kissing noises.” Beyond reacting to the unusual sight of made-up men, which one can readily accept as a style unique to a different culture, these Marines appear to have no doubt that they were being sexually propositioned.

      One of the primary and obvious causes of this cultural tendency toward sexual expression
      between males is Pashtun society’s extremely limited access to women. Heterosexual relationships are only allowable within the bounds of marriage, and Pashtun honor demands that a man be able to demonstrate his ability to support a wife and family, as well as produce abundant wedding-gifts for the bride and her parents, before he is allowed to marry. Therefore, given the economic situation of most young Pashtun men and the current state of employment and agriculture within the Pashtun regions of Afghanistan, marriage becomes a nearly unattainable possibility for many.

      A controversial Los Angeles Times article highlighted this issue and featured an interview with a young Afgan man whose situation was typical of this circumstance:
      In his 29 years, Mohammed Daud has seen the faces of perhaps 200 women. A few dozen were family members. The rest were glimpses stolen when he should not have been looking and the women were caught without their face-shrouding burkas. “How can you fall in love with a girl if you can’t see her face?” he asks.
      Daud is unmarried and has sex only with men and boys. But he does not consider
      himself homosexual, at least not in the Western sense. “I like boys, but I like girls
      better,” he says. “It’s just that we can’t see the women to see if they are beautiful.
      But we can see the boys, and so we can tell which of them is beautiful.”3

      Daud’s insistence that his behavior should not label him as homosexual is the next
      important point in understanding the nature of this dynamic, and opens the doors to a complex interrelationship between Islam and its cultural interpretations. Even men who practice homosexuality exclusively are not labeled by themselves or their counterparts as homosexual.

      3 Maura Reynolds, “Kandahar’s Lightly Veiled Homosexual Habits” (Los Angeles Times, 3 April 2002).

      To identify as such is to admit an enormous sin in Islam—one punishable by death under the Taliban and one that would result in severe tribal and familial ostracization today.4 However, it appears to be the label, not the action or the preference, that poses the greatest problem.
      In the context of rural southern Afghanistan, the relationship between Islam (here defined
      as the teachings of Prophet Mohammed as expressed in the Koran) and what is believed about Islam by the local faithful can contain vast differences. This is in great part due to a barrier in language and education. Not generally able to understand Arabic, the language of the Koran which is not to be translated, the Muslim faithful of southern Afghanistan rely on the teaching and interpretation of local Mullahs to inform them of what the Koran says. The more rural the area, the far less likely it becomes that even the Mullah himself understands Arabic5 and the more likely that what is taught is based upon local cultural tradition, independent of Islam itself.

      Homosexuality is strictly prohibited in Islam, but cultural interpretations of Islamic teaching prevalent in the area tacitly condone it in comparison to heterosexual relationships.

      A typical expression, echoed by a number of authors and interviewees, is that homosexuality is indeed prohibited within Islam, warranting great shame and condemnation.
      However, homosexuality is then narrowly and specifically defined as the love of another man.
      Loving a man would therefore be unacceptable and a major sin within this cultural interpretation

      4 A punishment of death for individuals publicly labeled as homosexuals remains a possibility even now, outside of Taliban rule, if enforced by extremist family or tribe members. Familiar recent news highlighted the situation of the young Afghan actor who portrayed a victim of male-upon-male rape in the film The Kite Runner. He had
      to be removed from the country due to death threats.

      5 Reading and understanding Koranic Arabic are two very different things. Muslims around the world, regardless of their linguistic background, are educated in religious schools to be able to read and recite the Arabic of the Koran. That is, they are taught to recognize, pronounce, and memorize the words in order. However, even this education does not teach students the meanings of the Arabic words they memorize. Students who do not natively speak Arabic, like those of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, etc., remain dependent on teachers to interpret what is written for them, and these interpretations vary greatly dependent on the culture and agenda of the teachers.
      of Islam, but using another man for sexual gratification would be regarded as a foible6—
      undesirable but far preferable to sex with a ineligible woman, which in the context of Pashtun honor, would likely result in issues of revenge and honor killings. These killings are a Pashtun, not Islamic requirement, although the two tend to become inexorably bound in the minds of rural villagers.7 Similarly, the social circumstance that has made women foreign and unavailable (excessive veiling, segregation, and exclusion from public life) is generally also attributed to Islam in Pashtun communities, but is in itself a cultural construct, passed and exaggerated through local tradition.

      Another example of cultural misinterpretations of Islamic tenants, bent to support
      homosexuality over heterosexuality, comes from a U.S. Army medic completing a year-long tour in a rural area of Kandahar province.8 She and her male colleagues were approached by a local gentleman seeking advice on how his wife could become pregnant. When it was explained to him what was necessary, he reacted with disgust and asked “How could one feel desire to be with a woman, who God has made unclean, when one could be with a man, who is clean? Surely this must be wrong.”

      The religious basis for his statement lies in the Islamic regulation that women are ritually
      unclean for participation in prayer while on their monthly cycle. In the Koran, his tenant does not extend to imply that women are unclean or unapproachable otherwise. However, local cultural interpretations have created the passionately if erroneously held belief that women are

      6 Here a religion that prioritizes love and the fair treatment of others is turned on its head and made to condemn love as the greater sin but to tolerate the selfish use and potential abuse of another person as a pecadillo.
      7 From HTT interview dated 28 June 2009, regarding the relationship between Pashtunwali and Islam.
      8 From HTT interview dated 30 May 2009. Because of the nature of the details later revealed, the interviewee’s name, specific location, and unit details are withheld to protect the anonymity of DoD employee patients.
      Further details are available from HTT upon request.


      physically undesirable. Interestingly, the Koran specifies a number of physical circumstances under which a man can be rendered ritually unclean, but none of these are extended to the belief that he is unclean or undesirable in general. Therefore, it seems possible that such interpretations of Islam are at some point picked and chosen to support already-held beliefs or tendencies.

      Interestingly, the same medics treated an outbreak of gonorrhea among the local national interpreters on their camp. Approximately 12 of the nearly 20 young male interpreters present in the camp had contracted the disease, and most had done so anally. This is a merely anecdotal observation and far too small of a sample size to make any generalizations regarding the actual prevalence of homosexual activity region-wide.9 However, given the difficulty in procuring such data, it may serve as some indicator.10
      Of greatest interest here, however, is the way the men reacted to the education offered
      them so as to avoid the disease in the future. They insisted that they could not have caught the disease sexually because they were not homosexuals—important evidence of the rejection of the label regardless of the actual activities in which a man engages. Instead, they concluded that it was the result of mixing green and black tea, which became a running joke throughout the camp.
      They also continued to return for treatment after re-contracting the condition, having not believed

      9 Another medical professional’s estimate of homosexual prevalence is featured in Reynolds’ Los Angeles Times article (op. cit.). It reads:
      It’s not only religious authorities who describe homosexual sex as common among the Pashtuns. Dr. Mohammed Nasem Zafar, a professor at Kandahar Medical College, estimates that about 50% of the city’s male residents have sex with men or boys at some point in their lives. He says the prime age at which boys are attractive to men is from 12 to 16–before their beards grow in. The adolescents sometimes develop medical problems, which he sees in his practice, such as sexually transmitted diseases and sphincter incontinence. So far, the doctor said, AIDS does not seem to be a problem in Afghanistan, probably because the country is so isolated.
      10 These men were also openly observed to simultaneously share the same cots within their sleeping quarters, and did not appear to feel the need to hide or disguise this fact. Again, it appears to be only the label of homosexuality that causes them discomfort.


      or heeded the instruction they received.
      However, beyond the issues of poverty, segregation, and tacit cultural approval which
      apparently contribute to the prevalence of consensual sex among adult men, there seem to be darker underlying dynamics additionally at play. To begin illustrating these, HTT turns to a field experience in which a principle interviewee was a boy in his very early teens. His circumstance, combined with the nonverbal reaction of his adult male companions to the women interviewers present, was revealing regarding the social and cultural factors underlying the exchange. The following is quoted directly from HTT field notes of the incident:

      Upon arrival at Camp Leatherneck in Helmand province, HTT was initially limited in its ability to conduct research with foot patrols and therefore sought to engage Afghan truck drivers who came on to the base for general atmospheric information. For the most part, such drivers are staunch allies who take enormous risks, as it is publicly evident that they assist American and Coalition Forces, and they frequently face reprisals from insurgent fighters.
      Also to be noted is the fact that truck drivers are highly cosmopolitan in comparison to most rural Afghan populations, as they have seen and traveled within many regions, to include western-influenced metropolitan areas. It should be anticipated that they would be therefore less likely to display local Pashtun resistance to the open and public presence of women.
      On day one, HTT met only a group of four or five truck drivers, all of whom were from Helmand, living approximately 50 miles away from the camp. The most striking interviewee was a boy, about 12-14 years old, traveling with a group of older men. He spoke English beautifully, Dari beautifully, Pashto with apparent fluency, and when asked about other languages he knew, said he also spoke Urdu.11 This was an absolutely brilliant child.

      Asked why he was traveling with the other men, they identified him as their ‘little mechanic’ and said he could repair any problems they had on the road.
      This added greatly to the already very strong impression of the intelligence of
      this child. The boy told HTT that he was traveling with his brother, an older truck driver, and that their truck had been hit by an insurgent rocket on their way in. (He

      11 These linguistic abilities were confirmed by a fluent Dari speaker who was an HTT member at the time.


      was proud to point out the location of impact.) The referenced brother was not present. The boy also explained that while their time on the road could be shortened, they take a circuitous route to the FOB, lasting about 10 days, in an attempt to throw off or avoid Taliban attacks.

      I was deeply impressed with the boy, yet experienced a sense of wariness from
      the men who combined looks of distaste among themselves with slightly-too slow
      requisite politeness toward the two female HTT members present. They had no such apparent problem with the male Human Terrain Analyst or Team Leader. The latter of the two approached in a U.S. Military uniform.12

      Therefore, the reaction of the interviewees appeared to be an issue regarding
      females, rather than an issue regarding Americans or the American Military.
      Nevertheless, I left the interview uplifted thinking that the future of Afghanistan
      was in the hands of brilliant, brave children like this.13

      This incident was later re-examined in conversation with a group of American
      interviewees who together and individually spoke with many, many years experience working directly with the culture in country.14 They reminded me that one of the country’s favorite sayings is “women are for children, boys are for pleasure.” One the interviewees shared stories of how groups of men, i.e. shepherding parties, would always travel with one boy “for fun.”

      Sadly, the talented young mechanic came immediately to mind. HTT produced a picture of him with the group of drivers, and the interviewees were quite confident that their worst suspicions were correct. One interviewee then told the story of a time he found a 14-year-old boy quite literally in the hands of a group of Afghan security guards under his command. He physically fought the guards to free the boy and drove him back to Kabul, hours away, returning him home to his family, from whom he had apparently been forcibly taken in order to travel with the guards.

      12 Further regarding appearances for future reference, both female HTT members were well-covered in their attire, including long sleeves and pant legs. My own hair was covered with a scarf, while my female colleague’s hair was worn long and down. This may or may not have affected matters, as the men present regarded us both with equal apparent distaste.

      13 From HTT personal field notes dated 5 May 2009.

      14 HTT interview dated 11 May 2009 conducted at Kandahar Airfield, with former USPI employees. Their previous experience included providing security for the building of the Ring Road over the many years of its construction, and working and living with locally-hired Afghan security details for highly extended periods.

      While in many areas of southern Afghanistan such treatment of boys appears to be shrouded in some sense of secrecy, in Kandahar it constitutes an openly celebrated cultural tradition. Kandahar’s long artistic and poetic tradition idolizes the pre-pubescent “beardless boy” as the icon of physical beauty. 19th-century British authors report their observations of Pashtun fighters singing poetic “odes of their longing for young boys.”15 The Los Angeles Times author cited earlier notes this tradition as alive and well in very recent literature:

      A popular poem by Syed Abdul Khaliq Agha, who died last year, notes Kandahar’s special reputation. ‘Kandahar has beautiful halekon,’ the poem goes.

      They have black eyes and white cheeks.16
      Further, even the newly re-emerging musical nightlife of southern Afghan cities idolizes
      immature. While these performers themselves may be quite innocent, the reputation of their availability to patrons of the establishments at which they perform is difficult to

      Known frequently as halekon, ashna, or bacha bereesh,18 “beautiful” beardless boys are coveted, almost as possessions, by men of status and position for sexual relationships. Further, the more attractive or talented the boy is deemed, the more his presence elevates the status of his patron. In the article “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords,” various interviewees state the following:19

      ‘Everyone tries to have the best, most handsome and good-looking boy,’ said a

      15 Smith, Craig. Op cit.
      16 Reynolds, Maura. Op cit.
      17 Nick Meo, “The Boy Singers of Kabul” (Moby Capital Updates, 12 April 2005).
      18 The titles translate roughly as “gorgeous youths,” “boy loves,” and “boys without beards.”
      19 Anonymous, “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords” (Reuters News Service, 18 Nov
      2007). Interestingly, this article features the phenomenon as it takes place in several other areas of Afghanistan.


      former mujahideen commander, who declined to be named.
      ‘Sometimes we gather and make our boys dance and whoever wins, his boy will
      be the best boy.’ Former mujahideen commanders hold such parties in and around
      Pul-e Khumri about once a week.
      ‘Having a boy has become a custom for us. Whoever wants to show off, should have a boy,’ said Enayatullah, a 42-year-old landowner in Baghlan province.
      A key feature of this relationship, slightly different form the homosexuality practiced by men with other grown men who have limited access to women addressed earlier, is its more coercive nature rooted in an imbalance of power (economic, rank-associated, status/age-associated, etc.) between the parties involved. According to one observer:
      An apparent distinction seems evident in this particular Kandahar variation… The dating and courtship appears more coercive, more opportunistic and seems to take advantage of younger guys who almost have no other choice than to accept the money or gifts from bigger and more powerful ‘commanders’ whose bit of authority is bestowed by their gang-member status, their guns and the shattered legal/police system. 20

      Even where the halekon tradition is not “celebrated” per se, it appears to underlie a
      number of Pashtun social structures, most notably the recruitment of very young “soldiers” by commanders of paramilitary groups. (This is so much true even today, that current law prohibits “beardless boys” living in Afghan military and police stations.21) This in turn fits under the traditional warrior ethos which defines the role of men within Pashtun culture. This dynamic played a major role in the functioning of the warlord culture that preceded the rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan.

      20 Dr. Richard Ammon, a clinical psychologist who maintains an internet database on worldwide homosexual culture at, posted an interview containing this quotation. The article is titled “Interview with Michael Luongo on his return from ‘gay Afghanistan'” and was posted in July of 2004. Micheal Luongo is in turn a recognized researcher of gay culture in non-western societies and author of the book Gay Travels in the Muslim World. Both the interview and the book are referenced in “Further Reading.”
      21 Smith, Craig, op. cit. Also noted in the Wikipedia article at and the Sodomy Laws Database, edited by Bob Summersgill, at

      By some accounts, the first incident that brought Mullah Omar and the Taliban to
      prominence in the eyes of the Pashtun people actually involved a dispute between two warlords over a particularly attractive halekon. This dispute took the pedophilia of the warlords to such an extreme that the locals themselves were repulsed and happy to embrace a force of reform. Tim Reid, in The Times of London writes:
      In the summer of 1994, a few months before the Taliban took control of the city,
      two commanders confronted each other over a young boy whom they both wanted
      to sodomize. In the ensuing fight civilians were killed. Omar’s group freed the
      boy and appeals began flooding in for Omar to help in other disputes. By
      November, Omar and his Taliban were Kandahar’s new rulers. Despite the
      Taliban’s disdain for women, and the bizarre penchant of many for eyeliner, Omar
      immediately suppressed homosexuality.22

      Perhaps “repressed” homosexuality would be a more apt statement, as the cultural tendency has not disappeared. However, open displays of homosexuality, in which the label of homosexuality could not be denied, became publicly punishable by crude executions under the Taliban. Now, in the absence of this possibility, the underlying cultural traditions appear to be returning to visible life with greater freedom.

      Now that Taliban rule is over in Mullah Omar’s former southern stronghold, it is not only televisions, kites and razors which have begun to emerge. Visible again, too, are men with their ‘ashna’, or beloveds: young boys they have groomed for sex. Kandahar’s Pashtuns have been notorious for their homosexuality for centuries, particularly their fondness for naive young boys. Before the Taliban arrived in 1994, the streets were filled with teenagers and their sugar daddies, flaunting their relationship. It is called the homosexual capital of south Asia.
      Such is the Pashtun obsession with sodomy – locals tell you that birds fly over the city using only one wing, the other covering their posterior – that the rape of young boys by warlords was one of the key factors in Mullah Omar mobilizing the Taliban.23

      However, the Taliban should not be viewed as free of the culture and tradition of

      22 Tim Reid, “Kandahar Comes out of the Closet” (The Times of London, 12 January 2002).
      23 Ibid.


      homosexuality of the Pashtun world of which it is a part. Writers have argued that even within the Taliban, the tradition of halekon and the isolation of boys from the influence of family while they are assumed into the identity of a fighting group in which they are also sexually objectified and abused, is precisely what occurred with prevalence behind the walls of the madrasas. The now-iconic Los Angeles Times article on the issue states:
      …many accuse the Taliban of hypocrisy on the issue of homosexuality. ‘The Taliban had halekon, but they kept it secret,” says one anti-Taliban commander, who is rumored to keep two halekon. ‘They hid their halekon in their madrasas,’ or religious schools.24
      Whatever the source, there is frequently the risk that Pashtun boys will face a set of experiences that mold their beliefs regarding sexuality as adults in ways that are ultimately damaging, both to themselves and to Afghan society. It appears that this set of experiences becomes cyclical, affecting generations, and that his cycle that has existed long enough to affect the underpinnings of Afghan culture itself.
      From these findings, a model of this cycle might be ventured. It seems the cycle begins in isolation from the experience of women’s companionship and the replacement of such
      companionship with men. Significantly, in the case of Taliban madrasas, many boys spend their formative years without even the influence of motherhood in their lives.25 Women are foreign, and categorized by religious teachers as, at best, unclean or undesirable.26 It is then probable that the male companionship that a boy has known takes a sinister turn, in the form of the expression of pedophilia from the men that surround him. Such abuse would most likely result in a sense of outrage or anger, but anger that can not possibly be directed at the only source of companionship

      24 Reynolds, Maura, op. cit.
      25 This is often due to orphanhood or family separation because of refugee circumstances.
      26 At worst, women are categorized by such leaders as associated with evil—not unlike many Christian teachings over the years, emphasizing Eve’s role in man’s downfall.


      and emotional support a boy knows, and on which he remains dependent. This anger may very
      well be then directed at the foreign object—women—resulting in the misogyny typical of
      Pashtun Islamism. Men and boys therefore remain the object of affection and security for these boys as they grow into men themselves, and the cycle is repeated.
      The fallout from this cycle affects both genders, and could possibly be a part of what leads to violence against women and women’s suppression in Pashtun culture. If women are no longer the source of companionship or sexual desire, they become increasingly and threateningly foreign. Two initial findings add to the cycle of male isolation from women. One, put forward by the Provincial Reconstruction Team in Farah Province,27 who conducted regular round-table discussions with local women, is that boys, even when raised in the home, are separated from their mothers’ care around the age of 7 and are considered the charge of their fathers.
      Another, more complex phenomena, highlighted in the Los Angeles Times article as well as the Reuters article28 and others, is that men who take on a halekon often attempt to integrate the boy into their families by marrying him to a daughter when the boy is no longer young enough to play the “beardless” role. This maintains the love relationship between the father and son-in-law which inevitably makes difficult the establishment of a normal relationship with the wife. The once-halekon becomes a father with his new wife, and then begins to seek a teenage

      27 Taken from the non-published notes of the “Women’s Engagement Binder” available at the PRT, and followed up upon by interview with former discussion leaders. USAID has taken leadership on the women’s development front in Farah province, and can provide further information on request. The specific notes, titled “Women’s
      Development Ideas,” state:
      Though Islamic law stipulates rights to women, in the countryside it ranks behind customary/tribal law which is extremely harsh to women (think village honor code). Add Afghan superstitions and women take the brunt of it. A final influence is the community—for example once a boy reaches the age of 7, he is taken away from his mother and raised by his father. Mothers in law do not help in this process and are generally quite harsh to the younger ladies in a house.
      28 Reynolds, Maura. op cit. Anonymous author for Reuters, op. cit.


      boy with whom he can play the “bearded” role. The children born to this father inevitably
      register the nature of their mother’s marginalized role. When to this is added the further isolation that occurs when boys are groomed for the halekon role by fighting groups or madrasas, it becomes almost unimaginable that boys would learn to form a normal and familiar attachment to a woman.29

      Talibs and halekon of fighters and other powerful men, when kept from the one
      universally nurturing experience of women—their mothers—are left with no way to relate to females whatsoever, and therefore no way to counter the negative labels assigned to women. While these men are excessively mild toward each other, the opposite side to the coin is a tendency to aggression toward women. HTT can again cite anecdotal but personal field experience which typified the way in which the behavior patterns of men, gentle toward one another, can turn quite opposite toward women, and the way these behaviors are imitated and transmitted to the next generation of men. The following took place on patrol in the Maywand district of Kandahar province:

      29 This state of affairs perhaps made most evident in the words of the halekon themselves, featured in the article “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords” cited in “Further Reading.”
      ‘I was only 14-years-old when a former Uzbek commander forced me to have sex with him,’ said Shir Mohammad in Sar-e Pol province. ‘Later, I quit my family and became his secretary. I have been with him for 10 years, I am now grown up, but he still loves me and I sleep with him.’
      Ahmad Jawad, aged 17, has been with a wealthy landowner for the past two years.
      ‘I am used to it. I love my lord. I love to dance and act like a woman and play with my owner,’ he said.
      Asked what he would do when he got older, he said: ‘Once I grow up, I will be an owner and I will have my own boys.’
      But Shir Mohammad, at 24, was already getting too old to be a dancing boy. ‘I am grown up now and do not have the beauty of former years. So, I proposed to marry my lord’s daughter and he has agreed to it.’

      Upon exiting the Mullah’s compound, I was confronted with an irate neighbor—a man in middle-age, clean and apparently relatively wealthy in appearance… He expressed his horror that I, a woman, was present with the patrol. He would not make eye contact with me or shake my hand, but instead only referred to me with angry gestures. I maintained a respectful distance while he sat nearby to engage the men of the patrol.

      When formally addressing the men, his demeanor changed. He shook hands with each, with every display of gentleness and respect. The traditional first handshake between Pashtun men grips only the first joints of the fingers, and he used this with each, along with much bowing. It was explained to him that I was present in order that men would not enter a compound where women might be seen, and he was significantly appeased…
      After this conversation, as the group said their goodbyes and began to move away, the neighbor approached me and extended his hand. I took this to be an invitation to a handshake, offered now that he understood that I was there out of respect for the traditions of his culture rather than in an attempt to disrupt them. When I offered my hand, he took it in a crushing grip and with unexpected strength bent my wrist back into a painful joint lock.

      I ultimately wrenched myself from his grip, and as I sought to rejoin my patrol, I was mobbed by the village boys, who I had previously showered with gifts of candy and school necessities, led by the neighbor’s oldest son. This boy appeared to be approximately 11 years old. Grabbing my arm, he attempted to practice the same maneuver his father had demonstrated, to the delight and cheers of the younger boys.

      The noise of the children caught the attention of our American interpreter, who returned and scolded them for their behavior. He attempted to shame them by asking “is this the way you would behave at home?” The oldest boy proudly answered that it was, indicating that his mother and sisters were treated with the same violence and disdain. While the encounter with the father hurt my wrist, the encounter with his sons broke my heart.30
      In conclusion, due to both cultural restrictions and generational cycles of certain
      experiences, Pashtun men are freer with companionship, affection, emotional expression, and the trust bred of familiarity with other men. They often lack the experience of these aspects of life with women. This usurping of the female role may contribute to the alienation of women over

      30 From HTT Personal Field Notes dated 15 May 2009.


      generations, and their eventual relegation to extreme segregation and abuse. If ever the cycle of abuse is to be broken and the Pashtun culture heal itself from its wounds, which continue to fester in patterns of violence and conflict, the role of women as mothers and companions may be key.


      • Anonymous. “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords.” Reuters
      News Service 18 Nov 2007.

      • Ammon, Dr. Richard. “Interview with Michael Luongo on his Return from ‘Gay
      Afghanistan’.” Gay Afghanistan, After the Taliban: Homosexuality as Tradition. Updated
      2004. 29 July 2009.

      • Baer, Brian James. “Kandahar: Closely watched Pashtuns—A Critique of Western
      Journalists’ Reporting Bias About ‘Gay Kandahar’.” Gay and Lesbian Review March-
      April 2003.

      • Chibbaro, Lou. “New Afghan Rulers Better for Gays?” The Washington Blade 21
      December 2001.

      • Foster, Peter. “Afghan Tribesman Faces Death for Wedding to Teenage Boy.” Sydney
      Morning Herald 07 October 2007.

      • Luongo, Michael T. Gay Travels in the Muslim World. Binghamton, NY: Harrington
      Park Press, 13 June 2007.

      • Meo, Nick. “The Boy Singers of Kabul.” Moby Capital Updates 12 April 2005.

      • Murray, Steven O. and Will Roscoe. Islamic Homosexualities: Culture History and
      Literature. New York, NY: NYU Press, 01 February 1997.

      • Reid, Tim. “Kandahar Comes out of the Closet.” The Times of London 12 January 2002.

      • Reynolds, Maura. “Kandahar’s Lightly Veiled Homosexual Habits.” The Los Angeles
      Times 03 April 2002.

      • Smith, Craig. “Shhh… It’s an Open Secret – Warlords and Pedophilia.” The New York
      Times 21 February 2002.

      • Steven, Chris. “Startled Marines find Afghan Men all Made Up to See Them.” The
      Scotsman 24 May 2002.

      • Summersgill, Bob, compiler. “Afghanistan Sodomy Laws.” The Sodomy Laws
      Database. Updated 2008. 29 July 2009.

      • Various contributors. “Gay Rights in Afghanistan.” Updated 2008. 29
      July 2009.

      The reason a devout Muslim manwhore will hump male anythings, babies, kids, camels, goats, chairs, etc. with/without a slave-whore contract is that one of the ahadith about Mohammed below concerns the issue as to whether or not Muslimity condemns homosexuality, and the concensus of expert Muslimic authority is that this hadith proves that Muslimity DOES NOT condemn it, but, in point of fact – ADVOCATES IT.

      A Muslim man fell in love with this 4 year old girl. The guy decided to take the girl and speak to his father for approval, and then inshallah, get married. But when the father saw her, he was smitten by her, so much so that he told the guy “she is no good for you, so I will take her off your hands and I will marry her.” The guy in disbelief, started arguing with his father about who will marry the girl. Seeing no end to the argument, they both decided to take the matter to the local Imam so that he can sort out this problem and judge between them to see who is fit to marry her.

      So the father and son were discussing their problems with the Imam and they then introduced the girl to the Imam. The Imam, once he saw her lost his way of dealing justly and he told the father and son that she is no good for both of them, and that he will marry her to take her off their hands! So now the Imam, the son and the father were arguing about who will marry the girl, and once again, there was no end in sight to the argument. The Imam then suggested that they take the matter to the Amir so that he can deal justly in this matter between them.

      So the four set out to meet the Amir, and when they finally reached him they told him what was wrong, and when he saw the girl, he was also smitten, so much so that he told the three men who wanted to marry her that she is no good for them and that he will take her off their hands and get married to her! They then all started to argue about who will marry this girl.

      The girl seeing this was fed up with the arguing so she suggested something to all four of them. She said that she will run and run and run, and whoever can CATCH her will then be able to marry her. So all of them heard this and they deemed it to be an excellent solution to their arguing and problem.

      So the girl started running, and running, and running around in a circle , and then the four men began to run after her.

      The girl was so small that she disappeared into a cloud of dust.

      So happened they were all running in this circle around Mohammed’s tent.

      Mohammed came out to see what the commotion was all about.

      Reexited after retrieving his axe.

      On the way back in was heard beseeching the heavens….

      “Get off your ass, Allah. Got four faggots on the way.”

      It’s been a swirling controversy,,,

      Whether or not Muslimity condemns homosexuality depends on what exactly Allah was to get off his ass FOR

      Muslimic authority asserts that to send ’em on to hell Allah WOULD NOT have to get off his ass. Being omnipotent, Allah was perfectly capable of sending ’em on to hell sitting on his ass.

      So why did Mohammed order Allah off his ass.

      Must’ve been for something else.

      What was that something else?

      Which brings forth another Muslimic myth busted by this hadith.

      Allah LIKES pork.

      or at least being porked.
      Re: Sodomy and Sufism in Afghanistan
      by Wootah » Sun Mar 27, 2011 12:35 pm … 1F2Q9H.DTL

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